Sam Rany, Ph.D.

Saturday 10 August 2013

សមាគមគ្រូបង្រៀនរិះគន់ក្រសួងអប់រំពីការបែកធ្លាយវិញ្ញាសាបាក់ឌុប

ដោយ ដែន អយុធ្យា
2013-08-09

លោក រ៉ុង ឈុន ប្រធានសមាគមគ្រូបង្រៀនកម្ពុជាឯករាជ្យ នៅថ្ងៃសុក្រ ទី៩ ខែសីហា បានទាត់ចោលលទ្ធផលប្រឡង សញ្ញាបត្រមធ្យមសិក្សាទុតិយភូមិ ឬសញ្ញាបត្របាក់ឌុបឆ្នាំនេះ ព្រោះវិញ្ញាសាប្រឡងបានបែកធ្លាយស្ទើរគ្រប់មុខវិជ្ជា។

ជាងនេះ លោករិះគន់ការកោះប្រជុំគណៈមេប្រយោគ ឬប្រធានមណ្ឌលប្រឡងនៅទូទាំងប្រទេសកម្ពុជា របស់ លោក អ៊ឹម សិទ្ធី រដ្ឋមន្ត្រីក្រសួងអប់រំ ក្រោយសម័យប្រឡងបានបញ្ចប់ មិនអាចលុបលាងភាពអាម៉ាស់របស់វិស័យអប់រំទេ។

លោក រ៉ុង ឈុន និយាយថា ធនធានយុវជនប្រទេសកម្ពុជា នឹងបន្តធ្លាក់ចុះថែមទៀតនាថ្ងៃអនាគត បើសូម្បីវិញ្ញាសាប្រឡងក៏ក្រសួងអប់រំ មិនអាចទប់ស្កាត់មិនឲ្យបែកធ្លាយបាននោះ៖ «ថ្នាក់ដឹកនាំក្រសួង ដែលមិនមានសេចក្តីក្លាហានមិនហ៊ាននិយាយការពិត។ ហើយខំនិយាយតាមសារព័ត៌មានវិទ្យុ ទូរទស្សន៍ ដើម្បីលាក់បាំងនូវអ្វីដែលជាការពិត។ ហើយអ្វីដែលយើងរកឃើញនេះ ការដែលយើងរកឃើញ អ្វីដែលបែកធ្លាយ ការដែលប្រព្រឹត្តអំពើពុករលួយនេះ គឺជាប្រព័ន្ធតាំងពីថ្នាក់ដឹកនាំក្រសួងមួយចំនួន ក៏ចូលរួមចំណែកក្នុងបញ្ហាទាំងអស់នេះដែរ។ យើងចង់ឲ្យក្រសួងពិនិត្យមើលឡើងវិញចំពោះបញ្ហានេះ»។

លោកបន្ថែមថា ការបែកធ្លាយវិញ្ញាសាប្រឡងមានលក្ខណៈជាប្រព័ន្ធ ហើយ លោក អ៊ឹម សិទ្ធី រដ្ឋមន្ត្រីក្រសួងអប់រំ ត្រូវតែចុះចេញពីតំណែងចំពោះកំហុសឆ្គងក្នុងការងាររបស់ខ្លួន។

យ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ លោក អ៊ឹង ង៉ោហុក ប្រធាននាយកដ្ឋានមធ្យមសិក្សានៃក្រសួងអប់រំ នៅតែថ្លែងការពារស្ថាប័នរបស់ខ្លួន ដោយច្រានចោលព័ត៌មានចំពោះការបែកធ្លាយវិញ្ញាសាប្រឡងឆ្នាំនេះ។ លោកថា ចំពោះភាពមិនប្រក្រតីផ្សេងៗនៅក្រោយការប្រឡងបានបញ្ចប់ ថ្នាក់ដឹកនាំក្រសួងអប់រំ បានកោះប្រជុំប្រធានមណ្ឌល និងមេប្រយោគនៅទូទាំងប្រទេស ដើម្បីវាយតម្លៃសភាពការណ៍រួមនៃការប្រឡង ប៉ុន្តែគ្មានព័ត៌មានពីភាពមិនប្រក្រតីកើតឡើងនៅថ្ងៃប្រឡងទេ។

លោក អ៊ឹង ង៉ោហុក៖ «នៅក្នុងបំណែងចែករបស់ក្រសួងៗមានគណៈកម្មការ ត្រួតពិនិត្យតាមឋានានុក្រម គឺមានធំជាងគេនៅតាមរាជធានីខេត្តនិមួយៗ គឺមានគណៈមេប្រយោគទូទាំងប្រទេស។ ដោយតាមមណ្ឌលមានប្រធានមណ្ឌល មានអ្នកត្រួតពិនិត្យអគារ គឺមានប្រធានពួក រហូតដល់អនុរក្ស។ ដូច្នេះ ការគ្រប់គ្រង គឺយើងធ្វើការគ្រប់គ្រងទៅតាមឋានានុក្រមជាច្រើនដំណាក់កាល។ ហើយចំពោះការចោទប្រកាន់ចេះតែមានការចោទប្រកាន់ ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ អ្វីដែលយើងកំពុងធ្វើ គឺកំពុងតែទប់ស្កាត់កុំឲ្យមានបញ្ហាហ្នឹងកើតឡើង។ ហើយគ្មានរបាយការណ៍អ្វីពីគណៈកម្មការតាមលំដាប់ថ្នាក់ដូចខ្ញុំបាន រៀបរាប់អម្បាញ់មិញរាយការណ៍ពីបញ្ហាហ្នឹងទេ។ ដូច្នេះ បញ្ហានេះគ្រាន់តែជាការចោទប្រកាន់តែប៉ុណ្ណោះ»។

ទោះជាបែបនេះក្តី ទាំងបេក្ខជនប្រឡង និងគ្រូអនុរក្សតាមបន្ទប់ប្រឡង បានវាយតម្លៃថា ការបែកធ្លាយវិញ្ញាសាប្រឡង និងភាពមិនប្រក្រតីក្នុងបន្ទប់ប្រឡងឆ្នាំនេះ បានកើតមានធ្ងន់ធ្ងរជាងឆ្នាំកន្លងទៅ។ គ្រូអនុរក្សនៅមណ្ឌលរាជធានីភ្នំពេញ និងតាមខេត្តមួយចំនួន បានឲ្យដឹងក្នុងលក្ខខណ្ឌមិនបញ្ចេញឈ្មោះថា ក្រោយឃើញវិញ្ញាសាប្រឡងបានបែកធ្លាយ ពួកគាត់ក៏បង្ខំចិត្តទទួលលុយពីបេក្ខជន ជាថ្នូរឲ្យពួកគេអាចបើកចម្លងចម្លើយវិញ្ញាសាគ្មានការហាមឃាត់ ដូចគ្នាបទចំរៀង "ទន្សោងគោព្រៃ តូចស៊ីដោយតូច ធំស៊ីដោយធំ"។

ការប្រឡងសញ្ញាបត្របាក់ឌុប ចាប់ផ្ដើមពីថ្ងៃច័ន្ទ ទី៥ និងបញ្ចប់នៅថ្ងៃពុធ ទី៧ ខែសីហា។ ក្រសួងអប់រំ បានបញ្ជាក់ថា សម័យប្រឡងឆ្នាំនេះមានបេក្ខជនជាង ១០៧.៨៣៥នាក់។ ហើយការប្រឡងសញ្ញាបត្រនេះ សម្រាប់មណ្ឌលនៅរាជធានីភ្នំពេញ និងខេត្តកណ្ដាល ប្រកាសនៅថ្ងៃទី៣០ ខែសីហា និងតាមបណ្ដាខេត្តផ្សេងៗប្រកាសនៅថ្ងៃទី៣១ ខែសីហា ឆ្នាំ២០១៣៕

Cambodia: NEC’s Independence Key to Post-Election Stability

By Colin Meyn and Kuch Naren - August 9, 2013

In December 2011, Surya Subedi, the U.N.’s human rights envoy for Cambodia, visited the country to assess state institutions relevant to the electoral process.

He concluded in a report released to the U.N.’s General Assembly in July 2012 that major electoral reforms were needed to maintain peace and stability in the country.

“If the electoral process is unable to command the trust and confidence of the electorate, the very foundation of the Cambodian political and constitutional architecture embodied in the Paris Peace Agreements will be shaken and the country may run the risk of a return to violence,” Mr. Subedi said in the report.

–News Analysis

At the center of his concerns was the National Election Committee (NEC), the nine-member government body entrusted with ensuring that the will of the people is reflected in the outcome of elections.

“The National Election Committee should be reformed so as to have independent and autonomous status,” the report says.

In order to achieve this, Mr. Subedi suggested that there be a consensus among political parties in the National Assembly on the appointment of the president and members of the NEC and provincial election committees and said “New judicial bodies and mechanisms must be established outside the NEC in order to resolve election-related disputes properly.”

His report was prophetic.

A year later, the NEC, which is stacked with members loyal to Prime Minister Hun Sen’s ruling CPP, finds itself at the center of an election-related dispute that requires a resolution.

Analysts and election monitors say if violence were to occur in the aftermath of the election, it would be the result of the government’s failure to implement Mr. Subedi’s recommendations.

“The root cause of this problem is they [Mr. Hun Sen’s administration] did not respect the recommendations of the U.N. rapporteur. This would be the root cause of the violence,” said Kem Ley, an independent political analyst.

“And the underlying causes of the violence [are that] they don’t want to improve voter registration, they don’t want to improve integrity of [the] voter list, they don’t want to improve the system of the election,” he added.

Thun Saray, chairman of the Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia’s (Comfrel) board of directors, said that unless the NEC allows an independent body to participate in the investigation of alleged election fraud on July 28, a peaceful solution to the current political impasse would be unlikely.

“If we don’t broaden the composition [of the election investigation committee], the CNRP will not accept [the election results], and if the CNRP doesn’t accept, it is because from the beginning to now they don’t trust the NEC or the results from the CPP. [The NEC] has to facilitate discussions between [the] two parties to find a compromise,” Mr. Saray said.

“If we can do that, we have a hope to solve the problem and avoid violent conflict in the near future,” he added.

Despite what the opposition alleges was selective removal of thousands of CNRP supporters from voter lists and widespread election fraud engineered by the CPP on polling day, the CNRP won 44.5 percent of the popular vote, according to preliminary NEC results.

Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha, the leaders of the opposition movement, have now said they will accept nothing less than victory and the removal of Mr. Hun Sen from power. They have also threatened, as a last resort, to hold nationwide protests and boycott the National Assembly if an independent investigation of election irregularities is not conducted outside of the authority of the NEC.

The CNRP has called for the U.N. to take the role of arbitrator in a multi-party committee, which would include the NEC and the CPP, tasked with investigating the electoral process—from voter registration, which was overseen largely by CPP-loyal commune and village chiefs, to the NEC’s ballot counting at polling stations.

Still, the NEC has pushed ahead with a timetable that will allow for only five days of investigations, which started Wednesday, into election irregularities before releasing official preliminary results, which can be appealed to the Constitutional Council of Cambodia, another body widely considered to be CPP-aligned. The NEC has also refused calls from the CNRP and civil society groups to release documents that would allow for independent election monitors to investigate cases of possible identity fraud and election irregularities.

NEC Secretary-General Tep Nytha said Thursday that a three-member subcommittee, overseen by Mr. Nytha, would be charged with reviewing 14 reports of electoral misconduct that have been filed with his committee since August 2. Seven reports were submitted by the CNRP, the CPP submitted four, Funcinpec lodged two and one report came from a local authority.

“We will bring the reports before political parties and civil society groups in order to get comments from them on what we should do to settle the cases within the reports,” Mr. Nytha said. He added that the three-member NEC committee was up to the task of conducting a thorough investigation of all 14 reports before this weekend is over.

“I don’t think the subcommittee needs to do field investigations. That is why we will meet with representatives from political parties and civil society to collect information so that we can contact election officials at the local level to find out whether such allegations occurred in that area,” Mr. Nytha said.

“After consolidating [the reports], there are only a few cases to be discussed this weekend,” he said.

This investigation process, including the 48 hours reserved for deliberation by the NEC, will be completed before official preliminary election results are released by Monday, according to Mr. Nytha.

Yim Sovann, spokesman for the CNRP, said that the opposition party has not decided whether it will attend the weekend meeting to discuss the complaints, but he was sure that the NEC’s investigation would not be sufficient for the CNRP and its supporters to accept the subsequent results.

“[The subcommittee] doesn’t work for us at all. We do not trust the NEC anymore. We don’t want to talk about this, we want to talk about creating a commission that can solve the problem impartially and independently,” Mr. Sovann said.

Phay Siphan, spokesman for the Council of Ministers, said that the CNRP’s refusal to accept the results of the election went against the will of the Cambodian people. He also said that proposed demonstrations would be treated by authorities as “riots” against the government.

“They have to adhere to the rule of law. The campaign period is over. There was a clear result of the voting. Now one must talk about democratic rule of law and respect it,” he said.

“We have a good mechanism and are competent enough to take care [of disagreements] in the National Assembly rather than…incite people to go on the streets and hold demonstrations that become a riot,” he said.

“I don’t know what [CNRP leaders] reject [the election results] for. Do they want to see Cambodian blood on the streets?” Mr. Siphan asked.

Whatever happens, the NEC could still play a pivotal role in bringing together the CPP and CNRP for discussions on how to move forward before the CNRP resorts to demonstrations, said Sok Sam Oeun, a lawyer and member of the board of Comfrel.

“

The NEC must facilitate talks between both parties and then listen to them. The situation is not only about both parties but the people, especially the people who support the CNRP. That is why both parties must talk again so that they can calm the people down,” he said.

“The people do not believe the NEC, so I think only by forming a committee and opening a transparent investigation can they avoid a demonstration.”

Cambodia: Grand Plans for $80-Billion Capital City Fit for a Techo

By Hul Reaksmey and Alex Willemyns - August 9, 2013

If Phoeung Sophoan has his way, Phnom Penh’s days as Cambodia’s capital city are numbered.

A secretary of state at the Ministry of Land Management, Urban Planning and Construction, Mr. Sophoan has big plans for a new 35,000-hectare capital city north of Phnom Penh called “Samdech Techo Hun Sen Dragon City.”

Mr. Sophoan claims the project has the nod from Prime Minister Hun Sen, and all he needs now is $80 billion to build it.

“If we study the history of any country, after you have great progress and then stability, you must have a new city,” Mr. Sophoan explained at his office on Tuesday.

He said that Dragon City would provide Mr. Hun Sen the chance to place his mark on the country like only the nation’s Angkorian kings have done.

“In the 12th century, we had Suryavaraman II who built Angkor Wat,” Mr. Sophoan said.

“When we go to Angkor Thom, we know this is the city of Jayavarman VII, and when we go to the Bakheng Temple, we know this is the city of Yasovarman I.”

“Now we are in the Samdech Hun Sen period—when we see this city, we will know this is the project of Samdech Hun Sen, the Dragon City,” the secretary of state said.

The mammoth city—containing hundreds of buildings and high rises designed in a sort of eclectic neo-Angkorian meets sci-fi movie style—would be strictly zoned into residential, commercial, cultural, educational and tourist segments, which would be laid out to resemble the face of a dragon.

“When you fly into Cambodia, you will see the lights like the head of a Naga, and you will know you are in Cambodia,” Mr. Sophoan explained.

With the borders of the new capital beginning just beyond Phnom Penh’s northern fringes—where the paths of the Mekong and Tonle Sap rivers divert—Mr. Sophoan’s city would end northwest of Udong, the last capital before King Norodom moved his court to Phnom Penh almost 150 years ago.

At the center of Dragon City, as its defining feature, will stand a 600-meter tall building, which would be the world’s second tallest if it is ever built.

At the apex of that heavens-piercing tower, Mr. Sophoan explained, will be Mr. Hun Sen’s headquarters, which the secretary of state has tentatively titled “Samdech Akeak Moha Senabakte Techor Hun Sen’s Imperial Residential.”

“[The building] will be 600 meters tall, and this one will have the headquarters for Hun Sen to control all of our country and see all of our country,” Mr. Sophoan said, illustrating the range of the prime minister’s lofty view with a map with nine blue arrows pointing outward from Dragon City to the farther reaches of the country’s borders with Thailand, Laos and Vietnam.

Mr. Sophoan, who was educated in architecture in France and returned to Cambodia in 1989, said that he began planning Dragon City in 2010 and pushed ahead after receiving a letter that year from Mr. Hun Sen expressing his approval of the mega-project tribute city.

“At first I did not work too hard because I worried that Samdech Hun Sen did not like it,” Mr. Sophoan said. “Now Hun Sen says that he is very interested in it and told me to find investors to fund the project.”

Mr. Sophoan claimed that plans for the city are progressing, and that a prominent construction firm based in Shanghai was in negotiations to help him secure the tens of billions of dollars he needs from China’s central bank to create his vision.

Information about the Shanghai-based company could not be found online Thursday, and Lim Leang Se, deputy chief of the prime minister’s Cabinet, said Wednesday that he had never heard of Mr. Sophoan’s Hun Sen Dragon City.

Mr. Sophoan’s project is not secret though.

He appeared on an English-language news segment called “This is Cambodia” on CTN—owned by Royal Group chairman Kith Meng —in March last year, in which the presenter described Dragon City as “part of the government’s response to an ever-increasing population and the country’s fast-paced economic growth.”

In the segment, Mr. Sophoan said that if China were to support the project, it would be “an architectural and urban planning revolution” and improve Cambodia’s image internationally.

Some are skeptical.

Mr. Sophoan’s plans for the new satellite city would be incredibly hard to realize for political as well as logistical reasons, said Simon Springer, an associate professor of geography at Canada’s University of Victoria who has studied Cambodia’s development over the past decade.

“It’s likening Hun Sen to one of the Angkorian God-kings…. It’s intensively problematic,” Mr. Springer said.

“The whole plan is beyond ambitious. Even where the funding could come from remains to be seen. Presumably, it would come from China—and China has numerous developments of entire cities like this that are almost entirely vacant,” he said.

Dragon City also would not be the first overly ambitious satellite city to fail.

About a half-dozen similar developments—all much smaller in scope—have been proposed over the past decade, with none having yet been completed and many scaling back after discovering a lack of demand.

One of the most high-profile satellites, the $1 billion CamKo City, broke ground in 2005 but ran into problems in 2011 amid accusations that its main South Korean investor was illicitly using deposited funds for business deals overseas.

Another satellite city—CPP Senator Ly Yong Phat’s 800-hectare Garden City—broke ground in April and is set to include a convention center, a national sports stadium, two ports, a golf course and an industrial park.

Surprisingly, the land Mr. Sophoan has demarcated for Hun Sen Dragon City actually encompasses Mr. Yong Phat’s land.

Stephen Higgins, who said in 2009 when he was CEO of ANZ Royal Bank that ANZ would not loan money to people looking to purchase property in satellite cities around Phnom Penh, said Thursday that Mr. Sophoan’s project was yet another pie-in-the-sky idea for a new city.

“Hun Sen is a very intelligent guy and I can’t imagine he’d be associated with something like this,” Mr. Higgins said. “It is not feasible. It is beyond a fantasy, and I don’t think it will get past the stage of just being this fantasy in someone’s mind.”

“There’s no property development in the world that is worth $80 billion,” he added.

“To get $80 billion when the country’s GDP [gross domestic product] is $12-13 billion…the idea is laughable.”

In spite of the nay saying and doubters, Mr. Sophoan is confident Hun Sen Dragon City will be a reality one day.

“It will take just 18 years to build if I have the $80 billion.”

Sunday 4 August 2013

Cambodia: Time for Transformation?

Written by Caroline Hughes

Tuesday, 30 July 2013 But would things change if the opposition were able to form a government?
A strong showing for Cambodia's opposition in Sunday's election suggests a rekindling of democratic hopes in the country. Commentators have suggested that increasing numbers of young voters - a networked and Facebooked post-war generation - have swung the vote away from the authoritarian Cambodian People's Party for the first time in a decade.

However, the CPP has never enjoyed the overwhelming majorities that governments in neighboring Malaysia or Singapore are used to. It is the CPP's landslide win in the 2008 election - at the height of a boom, against a divided opposition, and with a border dispute with Thailand threatening to break into warfare - that was unusual. Aside from that election, the voters have always been fairly evenly split between pro- and anti-CPP blocs.

The reason for this is that the postwar settlement in Cambodia, ushered in by a United Nations peacekeeping mission, has divided Cambodia into a nation of haves and have-nots. The country's economic reconstruction has been achieved through wholesale privatization of land, water, forests and fisheries, minerals, beaches and other resources. Since the free-market reforms that preceded the UN peacekeeping mission, the majority of the population, which engages in labor intensive and low-tech forms of rice farming for survival, has seen their access to resources such as water, timber, fish and fertilizer sharply restricted.

At the same time, a series of land laws has not resulted in security of land tenure for many Cambodians. Land disputes remain a major source of social discontent, especially in border areas where military units sustain claims to large areas of land previously used for bases or maneuvers, and in urban areas where rapidly increasing property values have led to violent evictions of urban poor communities.

At the same time, inadequate health services prompt the poor to sell land to pay for medical care, and a corrupt judiciary invariably finds for the richer party in land disputes. Because of these factors, inequality in landholdings, negligible in the late 1980s when Cambodia emerged from a socialist regime, has become one of the most skewed in Asia.

As in the former Soviet Union, free market reforms in Cambodia have produced a class of wealthy and politically influential Cambodian tycoons. Many of the most powerful initially made their fortunes from state-awarded monopolies over import and export of goods such as petrol, pharmaceuticals and luxury liquor brands. They currently benefit from a development strategy that has seen millions of hectares of land awarded to developers for establishing plantations, displacing local people and ignoring customary rights to resources.

In return, wealthy businessmen sponsored ruling party campaigns. In the 1990s, this included military campaigns against the insurgent Khmer Rouge and against the royalist party that won the UN-organized election but whose leader was ousted by a coup in 1997. More recently, tycoons have sponsored development drives in which CPP assistance for local development projects - roads, irrigation schemes and schools - is awarded in return for voter support at the polls. These development drives involve regular visits by members of the CPP party hierarchy to Cambodian village to spend time with village leaders and notables, and formal ceremonies in which villagers are expected to come and show their gratitude for the party's generosity.

This development strategy has been very effective in producing a climate of surveillance and co-optation in villages, where nobody wants to be branded a rebel for fear of losing access to the goods on offer. In impoverished communities, loss of support from village leaders and exclusion from the benefits of development can be a matter of life and death. Discussion of the source of this wealth - in the mass privatization of resources previously freely accessed by the poor - is strictly taboo.

Yet Cambodians have continued to protest whenever they are able. They protest against evictions, corruption, dispossessions and abuse of power. In 2012, 232 people were arrested for protesting over land rights in Cambodia, and one environmental activist was murdered. In the garment factories, which employ 300,000 young women for some of the lowest wages in Asia, and produce Cambodia's major manufactured export, unions organize in the face of continued discrimination and abuse, and strikes are frequent.

And in national elections, a hard core of support has continued to vote for an opposition whose leaders have been repeatedly vilified in pro-CPP media, prosecuted, intimidated and exiled.

The question for Cambodia, however, is whether votes for the opposition can produce change. The state apparatus and military are all staunchly CPP. The opposition coalition is led by one former Finance Minister who in his brief spell in office attempted genuinely but unsuccessfully to combat corruption, and a former human rights activist. Perhaps these two can muster sufficient political influence to inspire Cambodia's weak anti-corruption regime and prompt some improvement in Cambodia's weak and politicized judiciary.

But it is hard to gauge from opposition party pronouncements how they might produce a development strategy for Cambodia that would significantly differ from that over which the CPP has presided. In terms of development, Cambodia has simply followed its more advanced South East Asian neighbors in pursuing a strategy of asset stripping the countryside and soaking up the dispossessed rural poor into low-wage manufacturing and services employment in the towns.

Aside from cleaning up law enforcement and improving health and education somewhat, neither the opposition nor any of Cambodia's international donors are advocating anything much different. Chinese demand for commodities combined with the interest of Western pension funds in investing in primary sectors such as rubber and mining in the recent commodities boom entail that inward investment is oriented towards big extractive industries, rather than small scale alternatives.

Regional investment has followed suit, combined with some investment in low-wage manufacturing for brands such as Gap and Disney. This suits the Cambodian tycoons, no matter who runs the government.

The opposition's healthy showing in this election suggests that many Cambodians continue to look for change: but it is not clear that either the Cambodian elite or the outside world will offer them a significant opportunity to achieve it.

(Caroline Hughes is a Professor of Conflict Resolution and Peace at the University of Bradford in the UK)

Friday 2 August 2013

Slim margins in NEC data

Fri, 2 August 2013

Kevin Ponniah

In what seemed to be a direct response to the Cambodia National Rescue Party’s rejection of the election results, the National Election Commission on Wednesday night released more detailed provincial results.

The NEC statement noted, however, that it would not yet calculate the official seat numbers until it had dealt with electoral complaints.

Although the numbers back up widely disseminated unofficial results giving the Cambodian People’s Party 68 seats in the National Assembly to the CNRP’s 55, all three sets of figures released so far are different, analysts say.

“The NEC’s temporary figures for this moment, NEC’s initial figures broadcast on Sunday night on TVK and the [National Counter Terrorism Committee’s] early figures are all different from each other,” Shiro Harada, a visiting professor at Royal University, said.

The CNRP recently claimed its own results – yet to be released – prove it secured 63 seats, enough to form a government, with the extra seats coming from seven specific provinces.
It added that the party could have won up to 90 seats if voting figures were adjusted for polling irregularities.

Post analysis of the new NEC figures bore out some of the opposition’s claims, finding a narrow margin would have delivered an extra seat for the party in several provinces.

In Kandal, just under 900 extra votes would have won the opposition an additional seat, according to seat allocation formulas outlined in the election law.

Other provinces where the opposition claims its figures show it picking up more seats would require a much larger disparity from the NEC data.

Even 7,000 extra votes in Battambang, where the CNRP won three seats to the opposition’s five, would not garner an extra seat, while 10,000 more votes in Banteay Meanchey would also fail to get the opposition over the line.

Despite widespread irregularities, the CNRP would face an “uphill battle” to claim 63 seats, Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights, said.

“The CNRP need to come up with proof, and they need to come up with proof quickly,” he said.

សហភាពអឺរ៉ុប ផ្តល់អាហារូបករណ៍ ដល់និស្សិតខ្មែរ ៤៦ រូប

ភ្នំពេញ: និស្សិត និងបុគ្គលិកបង្រៀនរបស់កម្ពុជាចំនួន ៤៦ រូប នឹងទទួលបានប្រយោជន៍ពីកម្មវិធីអាហារូបករណ៍អ៊ីរ៉ាសមុសមុនឌុស ( Erasmus Mundus) របស់សហភាពអឺរ៉ុប ដើម្បីទៅសិក្សា និងធ្វើបាឋកថានៅអឺរ៉ុប សម្រាប់ឆ្នាំសិក្សា២០១៣-២០១៤។

និស្សិត និងបុគ្គលិកដែលបានអាហារូបករណ៍នេះបានជួបជុំគ្នាមុនពេលចេញដំណើរទៅ សិក្សា គឺបានធ្វើឡើងនៅស្ថានទូតសហភាពអឺរ៉ុបនៅទីក្រុងភ្នំពេញ កាលពីយប់ថ្ងៃទី១ខែសីហា ឆ្នាំ២០១៣។

លោក ហ្ស ង់ ហ្វង់ ស័ រ កូ តាំង (Jean-Francois Cautain) ឯកអគ្គរាជទូត នៃ សហភាព អឺរ៉ុប ប្រចាំ ព្រះរាជាណាចក្រ កម្ពុជា បាន មានប្រសាសន៍ថា “ ខ្ញុំ មាន សេចក្តី រីករាយ ជា ពន្លឹក ដែល បានឃើញ និស្សិត និង បុគ្គលិក បង្រៀន របស់ កម្ពុ ជា ទាំងអស់ ទទួលបាន ប្រយោជន៍ ពី កម្មវិធី អាហារ រូបករណ៍ អ៊ី រ៉ា ស មុ ស មុន ឌុ ស របស់ សហភាព អឺរ៉ុប ” ។

លោក ហ្ស ង់ ហ្វង់ ស័ រ កូ តាំង (Jean-Francois Cautain) ឯកអគ្គរាជទូត នៃ សហភាព អឺរ៉ុប ប្រចាំ ព្រះរាជាណាចក្រ កម្ពុជា

លោក ហ្សង់ហ្វង់ស័រ កូតាំង បានមានប្រសាសន៍បន្តទៀតថា “ដោយទទួលបាននូវឱកាសដ៏មានសារៈសំខាន់ ដើម្បីទៅសិក្សានៅអឺរ៉ុបនេះ និស្សិតដែលទទួលបានអាហារូបករណ៍ និងមិនត្រឹមតែទទួលបានប្រយោជន៍ពីការបានចូលរៀនក្នុងវគ្គសិក្សា ដែលមានកម្រិតស្តង់ដារខ្ពស់ នៅតាមបណ្តាសកលវិទ្យាល័យអឺរ៉ុបដែលល្បីល្បាញនានា នៅទូទាំងពិភពលោកប៉ុណ្ណោះនោះទេ ប៉ុន្តែពួកគេនឹងទទួលបានប្រយោជន៍ពីបទពិសោធន៍ផ្ទាល់ខ្លួន ក្នុងការចែករំលែក និងស្វែងយល់អំពីវប្បធម៌ខុសៗគ្នាផងដែរ” ។

លោកចន សុវណ្ណារ៉ា អាយុ២៦ឆ្នាំ អតីតនិស្សិតសកលវិទ្យាល័យភូមិន្ទភ្នំពេញ ផ្នែកប្រព័ន្ធផ្សព្វផ្សាយ ដែលបានជាប់អាហារូបករណ៍ទៅរៀនអនុបណ្ឌិតប្រព័ន្ធផ្សព្វផ្សាយ នៅប្រទេសព័រទុយហ្គាល់ បាននិយាយថា “នេះជាលើកទីមួយដែលខ្ញុំបានជាប់អាហារូបករណ៍ផ្នែកអនុបណ្ឌិតនៅក្រៅ ប្រទេស ហើយអាចចំណេះដឹងទាំងអស់នោះ មកជួយជ្រោមជ្រែងដល់ប្រទេសកម្ពុជាយើងវិញ”។ លោកចន សុវណ្ណារ៉ា រៀនអនុបណ្ឌិតប្រព័ន្ធផ្សព្វផ្សាយ ចំនួន ២ ឆ្នាំ។

លោកចន សុវណ្ណារ៉ា បាននិយាយថាបន្តទៀតថា “ប្រទេសកម្ពុជាយើងជាប្រទេសកំពុងអភិវឌ្ឍន៍ ដូច្នេះខ្ញុំទៅសិក្សានៅប្រទេសអភិវឌ្ឍន៍ ហើយខ្ញុំនឹងយកបទពិសោធន៍នៅប្រទេសទាំងនោះ មកជួយប្រទេសយើងវិញដើម្បីឲ្យការអភិវឌ្ឍន៍ដូចប្រទេសគេដែរ”។

លោកស្រី ភឿង សកុណា រដ្ឋលេខាធិការក្រសួងអប់រំ យុវជន និងកីឡា មានប្រសាសន៍ថា នេះគឺជាកម្មវិធីដ៏ល្អមួយ ដែលអាចអនុញ្ញាតឲ្យនិស្សិតខ្មែរ បានអាហារូបករណ៍ចេញទៅសិក្សា និងចេញទៅធ្វើការផ្លាស់ប្តូរបទពិសោធន៍ រៀនសូត្របន្ថែមទៀត នូវចំណេះវិជ្ជាថ្មីៗ ដែលទាក់ទងនឹងសេចក្តីឆ្លើយតបរបស់កម្ពុជា ដូច្នេះក្នុងនាមយើងជាក្រសួងអប់រំយុវជននិងកីឡា យើងគាំទ្រ យើងនឹងជំរុញការផ្តល់អាហារូបករណ៍ឲ្យកាន់តែច្រើនទៀត សម្រាប់ប្រទេសយើង។

លោកស្រី ភឿង សកុណា បានមានប្រសាសន៍បន្តទៀតថា “នេះជារឿងសំខាន់សម្រាប់យុវជនជំនាន់ក្រោយ គឺជាអ្វីដែលគេអាចរៀនសូត្របន្ថែមថ្មី ហើយចំពោះប្រទេសជាតិ គឺសារសំខាន់មួយទៀត”។

លោកស្រី ភឿង សកុណា រដ្ឋលេខាធិការក្រសួងអប់រំ យុវជន និងកីឡា

លោកស្រី ភឿង សកុណា បានបញ្ជាក់បន្ថែមថា “ពួកត្រូវត្រឡប់មកវិញរួមកម្លាំងគ្នា កសាងប្រទេសយើង តាមអ្វីដែលយើងចេះដឹង គឺសារសំខាន់សម្រាប់លើកសេដ្ឋកិច្ចជាតិ លើកការអភិវឌ្ឍន៍ឲ្យបានទៅមុខ”។

សូមបញ្ជាក់ថា តាមរយៈកម្មវិធីនេះ និស្សិតកម្ពុជានឹងត្រូវទៅបន្តការសិក្សានៅក្នុងកម្មវិធីសិក្សា ថ្នាក់បរិញ្ញាប័ត្រ ថ្នាក់អនុបណ្ឌិត ថ្នាក់បណ្ឌិត និងថ្នាក់ក្រោមបណ្ឌិត នៅក្នុងប្រទេសអូទ្រីស ប៊ែលហ្សិក ប៊ុលហ្គារី សាធារណៈរដ្ឋឆេក ហ្វាំងឡង់ បារាំង អ៊ីតាលី ព័រទុយហ្កាល់ អេស្បាញ និងចក្រភពអង់គ្លេស។ មុខវិជ្ជាដែលពួកគេនឹងសិក្សារួមមាន វិទ្យាសាស្ត្រផ្នែក បសុសត្វ ពាណិជ្ជកម្ម វិទ្យាសាស្ត្រកុំព្យូទ័រ សេដ្ឋកិច្ច និងហិរញ្ញវត្ថុ អប់រំ វិស្វកម្ម បរិស្ថាន វិទ្យាសាស្ត្រម្ហូបអាហារ សុខាភិបាល ព័ត៌មានវិទ្យា សហប្រតិបត្តិការអន្តរជាតិ បសុព្យាបាល និងវិទ្យាសាស្ត្រផ្នែកទឹក ។

និស្សិត និងបុគ្គលិកដែលបានអាហារូបករណ៍អ៊ីរ៉ាសមុសមុនឌុស របស់សហភាពអឺរ៉ុប បានជួបជុំគ្នាមុនពេលចេញដំណើរទៅសិក្សា

ចាប់តាំងពីឆ្នាំ ២០០៥ មកគំរោងជំនួយ អ៊ីរ៉ាសមុសមុនឌុស របស់សហភាពអឺរ៉ុប បានផ្តល់អាហាររូបករណ៍ដល់និស្សិត និងបុគ្គលិកបង្រៀនរបស់កម្ពុជាចំនួនជាង ២០០ នាក់ហើយ។ កម្មវិធីអាហារូបករណ៍ និងការផ្លាស់ប្តូរការអប់រំ គឺជាឧបករណ៍ចាំបាច់ដែលបំពេញបន្ថែមលើការគាំទ្ររបស់សហភាពអឺរ៉ុប ដល់វិស័យអប់រំនៅកម្ពុជា។ សហភាពអឺរ៉ុបផ្តល់ជំនួយជាទឹកប្រាក់ចំនួនជាង ១០ លានអឺរ៉ូ (១៣ លានដុល្លារ) ក្នុងមួយឆ្នាំដល់វិស័យអប់រំសម្រាប់គាំទ្រក្រសួងអប់រំ យុវជន និងកីឡា ដើម្បីផ្តល់លទ្ធភាពទទួលបានការអប់រំប្រកបដោយសមធម៌ ការលើកកម្ពស់គុណភាព និងប្រសិទ្ធភាពនៃសេវាអប់រំ និងការបង្កើនការកសាង សមត្ថភាពដល់បុគ្គលិកអប់រំ។ លើសពីនេះទៅទៀតសហភាពអឺរ៉ុប បាននឹងកំពុងផ្តល់ជំនួយផ្នែកហិរញ្ញវត្ថុ ផ្តល់គំរោងមួយចំនួនរបស់អង្គការមិនមែនរដ្ឋាភិបាល ដែលធ្វើឲ្យវិស័យអប់រំនៅកម្ពុជា ហើយគំរោងទាំងនោះផ្តល់ប្រយោជន៍ដល់ប្រជាជនដែលងាយរងគ្រោះដោយផ្ទាល់ ។

អ៊ីសរ៉ាសមុសមុនឌុស គឺជាកម្មវិធីសហប្រតិបត្តិការ និងជាចល័តភាពនៅក្នុងវិស័យអប់ឧត្តមសិក្សា ដែលមានគោលបំណងលើកកម្ពស់គុណភាព នៃការអប់រំឧត្តមសិក្សារបស់អឺរ៉ុប និងជំរុញឲ្យមានការសន្ទនា និងការស្វែងយល់រវាងមនុស្ស និងវប្បធម៌តាមរយៈកិច្ចសហប្រតិបត្តិការជាមួយនឹងប្រទេសទី៣។ ជាបន្ថែមវារួមចំណែកដល់ការអភិវឌ្ឍន៍ធនធានមនុស្ស និងសមត្ថភាពសហប្រតិបត្តិការអន្តរជាតិរបស់គ្រឹះស្ថានអប់រំឧត្តមសិ ក្សា នៅក្នុងប្រទេសទី៣ ដោយបង្កើនចល័តភាពរវាងសហភាពអឺរ៉ុប និងប្រទេសទាំងនេះ។ តួលេខដែលត្រូវបានចេញផ្សាយនៅក្នុងខែនេះ បានបង្ហាញថា នៅទូទាំងពិភពលោក និស្សិតចំនួនជាង ៣ លាននាក់បានទទួលប្រយោជន៍ពីជំនួយ អ៊ីរ៉ាសមុសមុនឌុស ចាប់តាំងពីពេលដែលការប្រកាសឲ្យអនុវត្តកម្មវិធីផ្លាស់ប្តូរនោះនៅ ឆ្នាំ១៩៨៧មកម្លេះ៕

ប្រភពពី CEN

Read more: http://www.cambodiapage.info/kh/

Tuesday 30 July 2013

Election Surprise Tests Hun Sen’s Popularity, CPP’s Future Plans

By Colin Meyn and Kuch Naren - July 30, 2013

In the month leading up to Sunday’s national election, the face of Prime Minister Hun Sen was omnipresent in Cambodia.

Every few meters along the main boulevards in Phnom Penh, Mr. Hun Sen, depicted on Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) campaign banners, smiled and waved at passersby. In the provinces, the prime minister was shown on large roadside billboards, folding his hands in respect to villagers or seated in a rice paddy and wearing a krama.

In his speeches in the months leading up to the election, Mr. Hun Sen placed himself at the center of the CPP’s campaign platform.

រយៈពេលមួយខែមុនការបោះឆ្នោតជាតិ កាលពីថ្ងៃអាទិត្យនេះ មុខរបស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន គឺឃើញមាននៅគ្រប់ទីកន្លែងក្នុងប្រទេស កម្ពុជា។
នៅតាមបណ្ដោយមហាវិថីនានាក្នុងរាជធានីភ្នំពេញ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ដែលមានមុខក្នុងផ្ទាំងឃោសនារបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជន កម្ពុជា បានបញ្ចេញស្នាមញញឹម និងគ្រវីដៃដាក់អ្នកធ្វើដំណើរឆ្លងកាត់ទាំងឡាយ ។ នៅតាមបណ្ដាខេត្ត មុខរបស់នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីរូបនេះត្រូវបានបង្ហាញ ក្នុងផ្ទាំងឃោសនាធំៗតាមបណ្ដោយផ្លូវនានា ដោយលើកដៃសំពះប្រជាជន ឬអង្គុយបង់ក្រមាក្នុងវាលស្រែ។
ក្នុងសុន្ទរកថារយៈពេលប៉ុន្មានខែមុនការបោះ ឆ្នោត លោក ហ៊ុន សែន បានចេញមុខយ៉ាងខ្លាំងក្នុងយុទ្ធនាការឃោសនារបស់គណ បក្សប្រជាជន។ ឃ្លាមួយដែលគេតែងបានឮក្នុងសុន្ទរកថារបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ខណៈការបោះឆ្នោតខិតជិតចូលមកដល់នោះ គឺ “ ប្រសិនបើប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាអាណិត ចូលចិត្ត ស្រឡាញ់ និងពេញចិត្តការដឹកនាំរបស់ខ្ញុំ ហើយមានទំនុកចិត្តលើខ្ញុំ គឺ ហ៊ុន សែន ក្នុងការដឹកនាំប្រទេសឆ្ពោះទៅរកសុខសន្ដិភាព ស្ថិរភាព និងការអភិវឌ្ឍដូចសព្វថ្ងៃនោះ សូមបោះឆ្នោតឲ្យគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា”។

ខណៈគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាទទួលបានជ័យជម្នះក្នុង ការបោះឆ្នោតកាលពីថ្ងៃអាទិត្យនោះ គណបក្សនេះបានបាត់បង់អាសនៈយ៉ាងច្រើន។ វាគឺជាលទ្ធផលដែលក្រុមអ្នកវិភាគនយោបាយនិយាយថា អាចឆ្លុះបញ្ចាំងពីការធ្លាក់ចុះនូវការគាំទ្រ និងប្រជាប្រិយភាពរបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ក្នុងនាមជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីដែលបានកាន់អំណាច អស់រយៈពេលជាយូរមកហើយនោះ។
ទោះជាយ៉ាងណា មន្ត្រីនៅក្នុងជួរគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា បានឲ្យដឹងកាលពីថ្ងៃម្សិលមិញថា ទោះបីជាមានលទ្ធផលបែបនេះក៏ដោយ ក៏លោក ហ៊ុន សែន មិនប្រឈមនឹងការដកចេញពីបេក្ខភាពនាយករដ្ឋ មន្ត្រីរបស់គណបក្សនេះទេ។

លោក ឈាង វុន អ្នកនាំពាក្យរដ្ឋសភាមកពីគណបក្សប្រជាជន បានប្រាប់ក្រុមអ្នកយកព័ត៌មាននៅសណ្ឋាគារភ្នំពេញ កាលពីម្សិលមិញថា “ ជ័យជម្នះនេះមានន័យថា ប្រជាជនទទួលយកសម្ដេចនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ធ្វើជាអ្នកដឹកនាំប្រទេស”។

លោក ផៃ ស៊ីផាន អ្នកនាំពាក្យទីស្ដីការគណៈរដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ក៏បានលើកឡើងកាលពីថ្ងៃម្សិលមិញផងដែរថា លទ្ធផលនៃការបោះឆ្នោតនេះ “ មិនឆ្លុះបញ្ចាំងពីប្រជាប្រិយភាពរបស់សម្ដេច ហ៊ុន សែន ទេ”។ ចំនួន [ អាសនៈរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជននៅសភា] នៅតែសបញ្ជាក់ឲ្យឃើញថា សម្ដេច ហ៊ុន សែន នៅតែមានប្រជាប្រិយភាពខ្លាំង ហើយប្រជាជនភាគច្រើនត្រូវការឲ្យសម្ដេចដឹកនាំ ប្រទេស” ដោយលោកបានបន្ថែមថា លោក ហ៊ុន សែន បានដើរតួនាទីនាំមុខរួចហើយក្នុងការធានា ពីជោគជ័យសម្រាប់គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជានៅពេល អនាគត។

លោកមានប្រសាសន៍បន្តថា “ គណបក្សប្រជាជនបាននាំមុខមួយជំហានរួចទៅ ហើយ។ យុវជនគឺជាឥទ្ធិពលកំពុងកើនឡើងនៅក្នុង ប្រទេសកម្ពុជា។ ក្នុងនាមគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា យើងយល់ថា យើងអាចរៀបចំគណបក្សនេះសម្រាប់យុវជនជំនាន់ ថ្មីតាមរយៈការរក្សាកំណើនសេដ្ឋកិច្ច យុត្តិធម៌សង្គម និងការធ្វើសមាហរណកម្មទៅក្នុងទីផ្សារនៅ ក្នុងតំបន់ និងពិភពលោក”។
ប៉ុន្តែ លោក កឹម ឡី អ្នកវិភាគនយោបាយ និងជាអ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវនៅឯមជ្ឈមណ្ឌលសិទ្ធិមនុស្ស កម្ពុជា បានលើកឡើងថា លទ្ធផលនៃការបោះឆ្នោតកាលពីថ្ងៃអាទិត្យនេះស្ដែង ឲ្យឃើញថា ការគាំទ្ររដ្ឋាភិបាលលោក ហ៊ុន សែន បានធ្លាក់ចុះហើយ។ លោក កឹម ឡី មានប្រសាសន៍ថា “ លទ្ធផលនេះបង្ហាញថា លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ធ្លាក់ចុះប្រជាប្រិយភាពខ្លាំងណាស់។ ហើយរបៀបដឹកនាំរបស់លោក ព្រមទាំងការគ្រប់គ្រងកំណែទម្រង់រដ្ឋាភិបាលមិ នបានឆ្លុះបញ្ចាំងពីស្ថានភាពពិតប្រាកដពាក់ព័ន្ធ នឹងតម្រូវការរបស់ប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាទេ”។

លោក ខាលីល ថេយ័រ (Carlyle Thayer) អ្នកជំនាញផ្នែកតំបន់អាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍នៅសាលាបណ្ឌិត សភាកងកម្លាំងការពារជាតិអូស្ត្រាលី បានលើកឡើងថា ការធ្លាក់ចុះយ៉ាងខ្លាំងនូវប្រជាប្រិយភាពរបស់ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ដូចដែលត្រូវបានបង្ហាញតាមរយៈការបោះឆ្នោតកាល ពីថ្ងៃអាទិត្យនេះ នឹងដាក់សម្ពាធថ្មីឲ្យលោក ហ៊ុន សែន សិក្សាពីកំណែទម្រង់របស់គណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ និងពីសមាជិកក្នុងបក្សរបស់លោកផ្ទាល់។

ទោះជាយ៉ាងណា លោក ថេយ័រ បានសម្ដែងមន្ទិលមិនដឹងថា តើលោក ហ៊ុន សែន មានឆន្ទៈក្នុងការធ្វើកំណែទម្រង់រដ្ឋាភិបាលដែល លោកបានគ្រប់គ្រងអស់រយៈពេលជាយូរមកហើយ ឬអត់នោះទេ។ លោកបានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា “ ខ្ញុំមិនគិតថា ហ៊ុន សែន ជាប្រភេទមនុស្សដែលហ៊ានក្រោកឈរឡើងនិយាយថា៖ ខ្ញុំបានធ្វើខុស ហើយយើងត្រូវកែកុនវិញ នោះទេ”។

លោក ថេយ័រ បានបន្តថា “ ខ្ញុំមិនគិតថា រដ្ឋាភិបាលលោក ហ៊ុន សែន នឹងឆ្លើយតបចំពោះការបោះឆ្នោតនោះតាមរយៈការ ធ្វើកំណែទម្រង់ឡើយ។ ពួកគេនឹងមិនធ្វើកំណែទម្រង់លែងឲ្យមាន ការចាប់យកដីធ្លី និងអំពើពុករលួយទេ។ កំណែទម្រង់ គឺមិនអាចទៅរួចទេ ព្រោះមានផលប្រយោជន៍ច្រើនណាស់ដែលត្រូវបាត់បង់ ”។

ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ លោក ថេយ័រ បានលើកឡើងថា ប្រសិនបើគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាមើលឃើញថា ភាពទោមនស្សរបស់ប្រជាជនចំពោះលោក ហ៊ុន សែន បន្តកើនឡើងក្នុងរយៈពេលប្រាំឆ្នាំបន្ទាប់នោះ គណបក្សនេះប្រហែលជាគ្មានជម្រើសណាផ្សេងក្រៅពី ស្វះស្វែងរកផ្លូវផ្សេងសម្រាប់ដើរឡើយ។
លោកបានថ្លែងថា “ [គណបក្សប្រជាជន] បារម្ភខ្លាចការផ្លាស់ប្ដូរបង្កឲ្យមានអស្ថិរភាព ដូច្នេះពួកគេចង់ធ្វើកំណែទម្រង់ក្នុងកម្រិត អប្បបរមា។ ប៉ុន្តែពេលការបោះឆ្នោតលើកក្រោយមកដល់ ពួកគេអាចនឹងភ្ញាក់ខ្លួនថា ការរក្សាអ្វីៗឲ្យនៅដដែល គឺជាការនាំមកនូវភាពបរាជ័យសម្រាប់ខ្លួន ឯង”។ លោកបានបន្ថែមថា “ ក្នុងជួរគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាផ្ទាល់ អ្នកដែលស្និទ្ធនឹងអ្នកកាន់អំណាចក្នុងបក្ស ប្រហែលជាត្រូវប្រាប់មេដឹកនាំរបស់ខ្លួនថា គាត់គ្មានសម្លៀកបំពាក់ជាប់ខ្លួនទេ”។

លោក ចន ស៊ីយ៉ូស៊ីយ៉ារី (John Ciorciari) អ្នកជំនាញផ្នែកតំបន់អាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍ នៅមហាវិទ្យាល័យគោលនយោបាយសាធារណៈ ជើរ៉ល អ ហ្វដ (Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy) នៃសាកលវិទ្យាល័យមីឈីហ្គែន (Michigan) បានលើកឡើងថា លោក ហ៊ុន សែន និងគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាបានវេញចូលគ្នា ជាធ្លុងមួយមិនអាចបំបែកចេញពីគ្នាបានឡើយ ពោលគឺជោគវាសនារបស់គណបក្សនេះផ្អែកលើ បេក្ខភាពជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីរបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន។

លោកបានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា “ គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា និងលោក ហ៊ុន សែន គឺប្រៀបដូចជាមនុស្សតែម្នាក់ ដូច្នេះការបោះឆ្នោតគឺប្រៀបដូចជាការធ្វើប្រជា មតិអំពីការដឹកនាំរបស់លោកផង និងអំពីគណបក្សនេះផង។ ប៉ុន្តែទោះបីជាសមាជិកមួយចំនួនរបស់គណបក្សប្រជា ជនចាត់ទុកលទ្ធផលនៃការបោះឆ្នោតនេះថា ជាការឆ្លុះបញ្ចាំងមិនល្អពីមេដឹកនាំរបស់ ខ្លួនក៏ដោយ ក៏វាមិនច្បាស់សោះឡើយថា តើនឹងមានភាគីប្រឆាំងណាមួយមានលទ្ធភាពទទួល បានការគាំទ្រល្មមនឹងប្រជែងយកបេក្ខភាពជាមួយ នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីរូបនេះឬអត់នោះ”។

លោក រស់ ចិន្ត្រាបុត្រ សមាជិករាជបណ្ឌិតសភាកម្ពុជា និងជាទីប្រឹក្សារបស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន បានលើកឡើងថា គឺគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិដែលបានដៅចំលោក ហ៊ុន សែន ក្នុងការអំពាវនាវរបស់ខ្លួនឲ្យមានការ “ ផ្លាស់ប្ដូរ” អំឡុងយុទ្ធនាការឃោសនារកសំឡេងឆ្នោត។
លោកបានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា “ គណបក្សប្រឆាំងបានអំពាវនាវឲ្យមានការផ្លាស់ ប្ដូរដោយសំដៅលើសម្ដេចនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន មិនមែនលើគណបក្សនយោបាយទេ។ វាហាក់ដូចជាថា ការបោះឆ្នោតនេះមិនមែនដើម្បីជ្រើសរើស គណបក្សនយោបាយឡើយ ប៉ុន្តែដើម្បីប្រជែងយកតំណែងនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ទៅវិញទេ” ដោយលោកបានបន្ថែមថា លទ្ធផលនៃការបោះឆ្នោតនេះ គឺជាភ័ស្តុតាងបញ្ជាក់ពីការបន្តគាំទ្រលោក ហ៊ុន សែន។

លោក ផាវីន ឆាឆាវ៉ាល់ប៉ុងពុន (Pavin Chachavalpongpun) សាស្ត្រាចារ្យរងនៅ មជ្ឈមណ្ឌលសម្រាប់ការសិក្សាពីតំបន់អាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍ (Center for Southeast Asian Studies) នៃសាកលវិទ្យាល័យក្យូតុ (Kyoto University) បានលើកឡើងថា លទ្ធផលនៃការបោះឆ្នោតនេះ មិនមែនគ្រាន់តែជាការឆ្លុះបញ្ចាំងពី ការដឹកនាំរបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ប៉ុណ្ណោះទេ ប៉ុន្តែវាក៏ជាសារពញាក់ស្មារតីមួយថា អ្នកបោះឆ្នោតនៅកម្ពុជាលែងជឿលើការសន្យារបស់ គណបក្សប្រជាជនអំពីការរក្សាស្ថិរភាព និងការអភិវឌ្ឍជាមូលដ្ឋានទៀតហើយ។

លោកបានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា “ ខ្ញុំគិតថា លទ្ធផលនេះមិនមែនគ្រាន់តែឆ្លុះបញ្ចាំងពីការយល់ ឃើញរបស់អ្នកបោះឆ្នោតចំពោះការដឹកនាំរបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ប៉ុណ្ណោះទេ តែក៏បង្ហាញពីកម្រិតនៃការផ្លាស់ប្ដូរទិដ្ឋភាព នយោបាយនៅកម្ពុជាផងដែរ” ដោយលោកបានបន្ថែមថា លោក ហ៊ុន សែន មិនទំនងថា នឹងធ្វើសម្បទានច្រើនដែលអាចធ្វើឲ្យលោក ប្រឈមនឹងការរបូតអំណាចពីដៃទេ។
លោក ឆាឆាវ៉ាល់ប៉ុងពុន បានបន្តថា “ ជាការឆ្លើយតបចំពោះការធ្លាក់ចុះនូវការគាំទ្រ ចំពោះគណបក្សរបស់ខ្លួន គណបក្សកំពុងកាន់អំណាចនេះចាំបាច់ត្រូវដឹកនាំ ការធ្វើកំណែទម្រង់នយោបាយតាមរយៈការពង្រឹង ស្ថាប័នប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ។ ប៉ុន្តែវាប្រហែលជាតម្រូវឲ្យមានការលះបង់ពីលោក ហ៊ុន សែន ដែលមិនទំនងថា អាចទៅរួចឡើយ។

លោក ខៀវ កាញារីទ្ធ រដ្ឋមន្ត្រីក្រសួងព័ត៌មានដែលបានបញ្ចេញលទ្ធផលបឋម នៃការបោះឆ្នោតដែលបង្ហាញថា បក្សប្រជាជនបានបាត់បង់២២អាសនៈនៅសភានោះ បានហៅការបោះឆ្នោតនេះថា ជា “ សារពញាក់ស្មារតីសម្រាប់គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា” ប៉ុន្តែលោកបានសន្មតថា “ យុទ្ធនាការរើសអើងជាតិសាសន៍” និង “ ការសន្យាខ្យល់” ពីបក្សប្រឆាំង គឺជាមូលហេតុនៅពីក្រោយជ័យជម្នះក្នុងការ បោះឆ្នោតនេះ។
លោកបានលើកឡើងតាមហ្វេសប៊ុកថា “ ទោះបី ជាមានការធ្វើយុទ្ធនាការរើសអើងជាតិសាសន៍… ទោះបីជាមានការសន្យាខ្យល់ក៏ដោយ ក៏អ្នកបោះឆ្នោតនៅតែជ្រើសរើសគណបក្សប្រជាជន កម្ពុជា។ ក្នុងពេលជាមួយគ្នានេះ វាក៏ជាសារពញាក់ស្មារតីគណបក្សប្រជាជនក ម្ពុជាកុំឲ្យភ្លេចខ្លួន។ យើងចាំបាច់ត្រូវកែសម្រួលការងាររបស់យើងឲ្យ មានភាពប្រសើរឡើង”។ លោកបានបន្ថែមថា “ ប៉ុន្តែ ចំណុចខ្លាំងរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាគឺថា គណបក្សនេះមានសមត្ថភាពសម្របខ្លួនទៅនឹងការ ផ្លាស់ប្ដូរ ហើយដឹងពីវិធីសាស្ត្រក្នុងការទាញយកផលប្រយោជន៍ ពីស្ថានភាពដែលលំបាកបំផុត”។

លោក ដេវីដ ឈែនល័រ (David Chandler) អ្នកសិក្សាពីប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រកម្ពុជា បានលើកឡើងថា ការសម្របខ្លួនបែបនេះក៏ប្រហែលជាមានន័យថា ខណៈដែលលោក ហ៊ុន សែន មិនប្រឈមនឹងការដកបេក្ខភាពជានាយករដ្ឋ មន្ត្រីក្នុងពេលខ្លីនោះ លទ្ធផលនៃការបោះឆ្នោតថ្មីបំផុតនេះអាច នឹងជំរុញឲ្យលោកធ្វើសម្បទានជាមួយគូប្រជែងនយោបាយ របស់លោកដើម្បីធ្វើតាមការសន្យាស្ដីពីការ បន្តកាន់អំណាចរយៈពេលប៉ុន្មានទសវត្សរ៍ទៀត។

លោកមានប្រសាសន៍ថា “ លទ្ធផលនៃការបោះឆ្នោតនេះអាចនឹងពន្លឿនការ ចាកចេញពីអំណាចនៅអាយុ៧៤ឆ្នាំដូចការសន្យា [របស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន]។ ខ្ញុំហ៊ាននិយាយថា អ្វីៗគឺអាស្រ័យលើអ្វីដែលនឹងកើតឡើងក្នុង រយៈពេលប៉ុន្មានសប្ដាហ៍បន្ទាប់នេះ មិនមែនការបែងចែកអំណាចទេ ប៉ុន្តែគឺថា តើគាត់មានចិត្តផ្លាស់ប្ដូរទម្រង់ការងារដើម្បី ទប់ទល់នឹងសម្ពាធដែលគណបក្សប្រឆាំងបានដាក់លើ គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា ដែរឬក៏អត់”៕

(រាយការណ៍បន្ថែមដោយ Simon Marks និង ផន បុប្ផា)
ប្រែសម្រួលដោយ ភួន ច័ន្ទសេរីវុធ

Cambodia:CNRP Will Be Troublesome for CPP-Led Assembly

By Zsombor Peter - July 30, 2013

Despite suffering a major hit in the parliamentary election Sunday, the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) will hold on to a majority of National Assembly seats for another five years should unofficial results released by the information minister stand.

Under the country’s Constitution, a simple majority is all that is needed to form a government and pass most laws.

But having relieved the CPP of its supermajority in Parliament, the opposition could make life very hard for Prime Minister Hun Sen, and for the first time turn the CPP-led Parliament into something more than a rubber stamp, analysts and legal experts said Monday.

“

Now they have to deal with the opposition, they cannot do like before,” said Son Soubert, a former member of the country’s Constitutional Council, who recently allied with the opposition.

With 123 seats in the Assembly, the CPP needed only 62 lawmakers to form the next government and says it won 68.

But Mr. Soubert said the magic number is actually 82 seats. That’s how many lawmakers the Assembly needs just to hold a meeting. Without that quorum, he said, the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), which won the other 55 seats on Sunday, could effectively hold the government to ransom.

“What the Rescue Party can do, they can refuse to join the National Assembly, and then the National Assembly cannot form,” he said.

The Constitution says a “valid” meeting of the Assembly needs at least two-thirds of all lawmakers, or 82 members. After Sunday’s elections, the CPP is 14 seats short of the constitutional requirement.

The National Election Committee (NEC) has yet to endorse the information minister’s poll results released on Sunday evening. The CNRP has rejected that result and is demanding an independent investigation into allegations of widespread polling irregularities that it says may have robbed it of an outright victory.

But should the preliminary numbers roughly hold, said independent political analyst Kem Ley, the opposition can use the CPP’s modest majority to its advantage to push through parts of its own agenda.

The CPP may technically have enough votes to pass most laws short of a constitutional amendment, he said, but it won’t be passing much if the opposition refuses to let the National Assembly even meet.

“If they can’t persuade the opposition to attend the meeting, how can they pass the law?” he said. “They need the quorum to meet, so the CPP will need to compromise with the CNRP.”

Mr. Ley said he expected the CPP to give way on some of the opposition’s key campaign pledges, including raising wages for civil servants and tightening immigration policies.

Besides the legislative math, he said, the CPP could no longer ignore the reality that a great many Cambodians no longer want what it has to offer.

“They realize the majority of the people want change, that the people are not happy with them, so even though they control all the ministries they will feel pressure to change.”

Sok Sam Oeun, a prominent lawyer who heads the Cambodian Defenders Project, a legal aid NGO, said the momentum was clearly with the opposition.

“Right now they have the power,” he said. “The opposition can use this as a chance for compromise, otherwise they will not join the meeting to form the Parliament.”

Even if the opposition does let the CPP form the next government, it can still keep the Assembly from meeting any time it wants.

“It has a lot of power,” Mr. Sam Oeun said. “It has the power to negotiate and it can control the legislature.”

The opposition will not have a shot at any ministries without entering into an official coalition with the CPP, which Mr. Sam Oeun said was unlikely after the uninspiring example set by Funcinpec during its coalitions with the CPP.

After the royalist party joined the CPP as a junior coalition partner following the national elections in 1993, 1998, 2003 and 2008, it won some ministry posts but watched its political fortunes steadily dwindle, and on Sunday failed to win a single Assembly seat.

“

The CPP wants a coalition,” Mr. Sam Oeun said. “For example after forming the coalition with Funcinpec, it could destroy Funcinpec.”

He said the opposition was more likely to try to parlay its newfound power into some control over a few Assembly commissions, the powerful finance commission first and foremost.

CPP lawmaker Chheang Vun, whose own Assembly seat was cast into some doubt after the party’s modest showing on Sunday in his home province of Battambang, said the prospects are still good for his party.

“I don’t know yet if the two parties have plans to talk about their roles on the nine commissions, but I think the CNRP will have a role,” he said. “I think the two parties will negotiate.”

But Mr. Vun dismissed any talk of a coalition with the CNRP or compromising with it on any new laws.

“We cannot follow the policies of the opposition party because the party lost the election,” he said. “They have no right to demand anything because the people voted for the Cambodian People’s Party.”

But a CPP secretary of state, speaking on condition of anonymity, conceded that business as usual at the National Assembly was likely over.

“The CPP will have [a] more difficult time in the National Assembly,” he said. “There will be more political discussion, more stalemate.”

The former Constitutional Council member, Mr. Soubert, said the CPP simply could not ignore the will of so many Cambodians who voted for change, and the violence that erupted on election day should remind the ruling party of the growing frustration of the people.

“The results clearly show that their policies are not exactly what the people wanted,” he said. “If the people feel frustrated, there will be unrest.”

(Additional reporting by Aun Pheap)

Sunday 28 July 2013

Ruling People's Party claims victory in Cambodian election

By Reuters, AFP

The Cambodian People's Party has claimed electoral victory. The long-serving Prime Minister's Hun Sen's party beat out seven other parties to retain control.

Hun Sen's Cambodian People's Party (PPP) announced its victory in parliamentary elections on Sunday, saying it had won 68 of 123 seats.

"We can say we've won this election," party spokesman Khieu Kanharith told the AFP news agency.

Despite winning overall, with 55 parliamentary seats going to the opposition, the ruling party lost more than 20 seats in Sunday's election.

The National Election Committee has not yet published figures, but the information minister posted the above figures on his Facebook page, noting that they were the final count.

The leader of the opposition party, the Cambodia National Rescue Party's (CNRP) Sam Rainsy, had announced a victory earlier but later withdrew the claim.

Long reign

Hun Sen, 60, has been at the helm in Cambodia, one of the world's poorest countries, for nearly three decades. He has been accused in the past of committing human rights violations and silencing detractors.

He cast his own ballot on Sunday morning near his home in Takhmau in Kandal province. His opponent, Rainsy, returned to Cambodia this month after four years of self-imposed exile, voting near his party's office in Phnom Penh, where he was greeted by enthusiastic supporters.

Sunday marked the fifth general election for Cambodia since 1993.

Reports of irregularity

The count of paper ballots began shortly after the polls closed on Sunday afternoon, with political party representatives keeping an eye on the process.

There were some reports of voting irregularities on social media and from election watchdog groups, but more information is unlikely to emerge until Monday.

tm/dr (Reuters, AFP)

Cambodia election: Hun Sen's ruling party claims victory

28 July 2013 Last updated at 15:50 GMT

BBC/News Asia

Cambodia's ruling party has claimed victory in Sunday's elections, but is likely to have a much reduced majority.

The Cambodian People's Party (CPP) led by Prime Minister Hun Sen said it had won at least 68 seats, compared with 55 seats for the main opposition.

Official results have not yet been released, but if these numbers are confirmed it would be the CPP's worst performance in 15 years.

Hun Sen has been in power in Cambodia for nearly three decades.

His main challenge in the elections is from the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), led by Sam Rainsy, who recently came back to the country from self-imposed exile.

More than nine million people were eligible to vote, and results are expected later on Sunday.

Unfair polls?

The CPP had been widely expected to win the election.

The party enjoys considerable support in the countryside - in part due to the economic growth achieved there after the devastation caused by the Khmer Rouge regime in the 1970s, which was responsible for one of the worst mass killings of the 20th Century.

Younger voters were thought more likely to look for a change and back Sam Rainsy and the opposition.

In 2010 Mr Rainsy was sentenced in absentia to 11 years in prison, on a series of charges he says were politically motivated.

Sam Rainsy, left, and Hun Sen at polling stations

The party of Sam Rainsy, left, is Hun Sen's main challenge at the polls

But analysts say his return to the country early in July seems to have helped his party's cause.
Mr Rainsy's party has complained that the polls were fraudulent, with some voters unable to find their names on electoral lists.

Hun Sen, 60, was among the early voters on Sunday, casting his ballot shortly after polls opened near his home in Takmau, south of the capital Phnom Penh.

Sam Rainsy, 64, visited a polling station near his party's office in Phnom Penh where supporters greeted him enthusiastically.

"I am happy to see people flocking to vote," he said.

"I am happy to see people flocking to vote," he said.