Cambodia’s New Military Helicopters Take Off

By Aun Pheap - July 22, 2013

The Ministry of Defense on Sunday confirmed that it has received delivery of two Z-9 military helicopters from China, with 10 more to be delivered next month to complete a multimillion dollar loan deal signed between the two countries in August 2011.

Minister of Defense Tea Banh said the Royal Cambodian Air Force (RCAF) had already flown the two new helicopters, which could be seen near the Phnom Penh airbase Friday morning, shortly before the return of opposition leader Sam Rainsy after four years abroad. 

A Chinese-built Z-9 military helicopter, one of 12 purchased with loans from China, performs a test flight over Phnom Penh on Friday. (Siv Channa)

“We have to test the new helicopters even though they are new. We tested them on Friday to check the engines and to ensure the technology that the helicopters are fitted with is working correctly,” he said, adding that the Chinese aircraft are fitted with night-vision technology to enable pilots to fly at night.

The Z-9 is a multiuse helicopter built under license by China’s Harbin Aircraft Manufacturing Corporation and modeled on the French-made Dauphin helicopter. They can be fitted with high-tech assault weaponry, but the RCAF has said it intends to use the helicopters for humanitarian purposes.

“They can and will be used for many purposes such as carrying out rescue operations and transporting different materials and so on,” General Banh said.

The new fleet of Z-9s, which will replace an aging fleet of Russian-made Mi-8 and Mi-17 helicopters, were paid for by a $195.5-million Chinese loan, signed in 2011 by Prime Minister Hun Sen and then-Chinese Standing Committee member Zhou Yongkang.

The helicopter purchase is one of a growing number of loans, trade deals and grants that Cambodia has signed with China over the past few years, making Beijing Cambodia’s single biggest patron and boosting China’s political and economic leverage in the country.

Rainsy Takes Election Campaign to Rural Cambodia

By Phorn Bopha and Zsombor Peter - July 20, 2013

TAKEO PROVINCE – Freshly returned from almost four years of self-imposed exile, Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) President Sam Rainsy led a noisy motorcade of a few thousand supporters through Kompong Speu and Takeo provinces on Saturday to rally support for the opposition heading into the July 28 national election.

After an early morning rally in front of the CNRP’s Kompong Speu City headquarters with Vice President Kem Sokha, the pair made a series of stops along the way to address both the train of rowdy party faithful and local villagers. 

Opposition leader Sam Rainsy meets with supporters on Saturday in Takeo province as he embarks on a seven-day campaign tour in which he will speak in 15 of Cambodia’s 24 provinces. (Thomas Cristofoletti)

“Dear people, I am back,” Mr. Rainsy said during a stop at Takeo province’s Ang Tasom market. “Dear people, please have sympathy for our nation, which is being destroyed. Land and forests, lakes and mines are running out.”

Hitting another popular party theme, Mr. Rainsy also made sure to regularly accuse Vietnam and the Vietnamese for many of the country’s problems, using a common ethnic slur for Cambodia’s eastern neighbors.

“The Yuon take all our land, and the Khmer get poorer,” he said, “So all Cambodians please stand up, wake up and vote for the CNRP in order to rescue the nation.”

Waiting his turn, Mr. Sokha followed up by hitting a few points of the party platform, from raising state wages to providing free health care and tackling the country’s rampant corruption.

Having ditched his usual suits for the day for the standard CNRP emblazoned shirt and baseball cap, Mr. Rainsy occasionally stopped along the way for a brisk walk among the roadside stalls and a quick handshake with vendors and shoppers.

Lim Rany, a longtime opposition supporter who runs a clothing stall at Ang Tasom market, was thrilled to see Mr. Rainsy back in Cambodia.

“I’m so excited; he has a great way of talking,” said Ms. Rany, who expected the opposition to gain votes in the province this year.

“Society is so corrupt now, so the people realize it and they wake up,” she said.

Mr. Rainsy is set to continue his seven-day tour Sunday with stops in Kep, Kampot and Preah Sihanouk provinces.

Hun Many Calls on Youth to Unite Against Change

By Khuon Narim and Colin Meyn - July 22, 2013

Speaking to a crowd of more than 10,000 CPP youth supporters on Sunday, Prime Minister Hun Sen’s son Hun Many called for those in the audience to unite against calls for a change in government, warning that a ruling party loss in Sunday’s national election would cause instability and chaos.

Echoing speeches made by his father in the months leading up to the July 28 poll, Mr. Many warned in his short, scripted speech of the destruction of the current social order should the CPP lose its grip on power. 

Hun Many, center, the youngest son of Prime Minister Hun Sen and a first-time CPP candidate for the National Assembly, leads a rally of about 10,000 CPP youth supporters through Phnom Penh on Sunday. (Siv Channa)

“On behalf of the youth of the Cambodian People’s Party, we need to maintain a clear political stand to gather together to protect the achievements of the Cambodian People’s Party…. In particular, we must protect the tree of peace that has been so fruitful for all of us,” he said.

“If we are careless and lack consideration and there is not a strong political will to protect this prosperity, it can be lost immediately and the whole nation will fall into instability and society will be beset by chaos,” Mr. Many warned.

Mr. Many, 30, the youngest of Mr. Hun Sen’s three sons, is the head of the Union of Youth Federations of Cambodia, a CPP youth wing, and a first-time candidate for Parliament in Kompong Speu province.

As has been his standard practice prior to national elections, Mr. Hun Sen is currently observing a one month vow of silence ahead of the poll, in which his ruling CPP is largely expected to win its fourth mandate to rule the country.

Seemingly referencing the hordes of young Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) supporters who, over the past three weeks, have taken to the city’s streets by the thousands calling for change, which is pronounced “b’do” in Khmer, Mr. Many told the assembled youth not to be swayed.

“There is an atmosphere created by some political parties that have tried to ignore all of these achievements [of the CPP] and have launched a campaign to attack the CPP with unjust and irresponsible verbal and political slogans,” he said.

Mr. Many said that the CPP must remain clean in its own campaigning.

“We have to use professional campaign tactics, remain gentle, dignified, clever and brave in convincing the public and people of all generations to believe more strongly in the CPP and vote for the CPP because only the CPP has the ability to remain responsible, keep peace and maintain development,” he said.

Standing behind Mr. Many, whose head and eyebrows were shaved in honor of his grandfather, Hun Neang, who passed away on July 12, were the CPP’s leading candidates for the National Assembly in Phnom Penh, a high-powered group that included Finance Minister Keat Chhon, Social Affairs Minister Ith Sam Heng, Women’s Affairs Minister Ing Kantha Phavi and Kep Chuk­tema, who stepped down in May as Phnom Penh’s governor.

With thousands of the CPP youth supporters lined up on their motorbikes in the roads and parking lots on the north end of Koh Pich, a few hundred youth were marched toward the stage prior to Mr. Many’s speech, throughout which they waved bright blue flags bearing the CPP logo.

Compared to Friday’s opposition rally in which CNRP President Sam Rainsy was met by an estimated 100,000 supporters who, seemingly with little coordination, turned out to meet the self-exiled opposition leader, Sunday’s CPP rally was a highly orchestrated affair.

Although those in attendance were unanimous in their support for the ruling party, their visions for the future of the CPP was more varied.

Kim Sarun, 22, said he would like to see Mr. Many take over the reins from Mr. Hun Sen when he steps down as prime minister.

“Hun Many is good because he serves the people and like his father, he would continue to develop infrastructure and improve the country,” he said.

Tan Chenda, 26, a university student studying finance, said that he hoped the CPP, led by Mr. Hun Sen, would continue to develop the country with a focus on bridges and big buildings.

“They have a good economic plan because it has led to more investment in Cambodia and helped people find jobs when they graduate,” he said.

However, a number of students in the audience said that as youth take a more central role in the CPP’s campaigns, a changing of the guard at the top of the party may also be in order.

“The CPP has helped people lead a good daily life,” said Num Vutha, 20, a student at Chakto­muk High School, who was vigorously waving a Cambodian flag at Sunday’s rally. “But I want to see a change in leaders because in the U.S., they always change leaders. Maybe they [new leaders] could improve schools and develop the country faster,” he said.

One of the CPP members helping organize the event, who gave his name only as Di and said he worked for the Phnom Penh municipality, said that he hoped a new generation of CPP leaders would breathe new life into a party that has been controlled by the same men for more than three decades.

“Some CPP youth have studied oversees and they have new ideas and new opinions. The knowledge of CPP officers from 1979 has not improved until now,” he said.

“I think the CPP youth are the new power in the party. Maybe we will have change in the CPP in the future, but the future is not now.”

បទវិភាគ៖ ល្បិច​សាមកុក​របស់​លោក​ ហ៊ុន​ សែន​ បរាជ័យ

ដោយ តាំង សារ៉ាដា (Radio Free Asia/22/07/2013)

លោក​នាយក​រដ្ឋ​មន្រ្តី​ ហ៊ុន​ សែន​ធ្លាប់​មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ថា​ លោក​ប្រើ​លិ្បច​យុទ្ធសាស្រ្ត​ តាម​បែប​សាម​កុក​របស់​ចិន​ ក្នុង​ការ​បំបែកបំបាក់​គូ​ប្រកួត​។ លោក​អួតអាង​ថា​ ដោយ​ប្រើ​ល្បិច​ចិន​នេះ​ លោក​បាន​ទទួល​ជោគជ័យ​ ក្នុង​ការ​បំផ្លាញ​គណបក្ស​ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច​ (Funcinpec) អោយ​ខ្ទេចខ្ទី​។ 

ចំណែក​លោក​ សម រង្ស៊ី​ ដែល​ជា​មេ​បក្ស​ប្រឆាំង​ដ៏​ធំ​នា​ពេល​នេះ​វិញ​ ក៏​លោក​នាយក​រដ្ឋ​មន្ត្រី​ ហ៊ុន​ សែន​ ប្រកាស​ថា ​លោក​បាន​ខ្ចី​ដៃ​ប្រើ​​ដើម្បី​បន្ថយ​អំណាច​ត​ថ្លៃ​របស់​គណបក្ស​ ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច​ និង​ដើម្បី​ជួយ​លោក​ និង​គណបក្ស​លោក​ អោយ​អាច​ជិះ​សេះ​លែង​ដៃ​បាន​​ក្នុង​កិច្ច​ការ​សភា​ និង​កិច្ចការ​ដឹក​នាំ​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​ដែរ​។​

តើ​យុទ្ធសាស្ត្រ​សាមកុក​ចិន​នេះ​ អាច​ជួយ​អោយ​លោក​ ហ៊ុន​ សែន​ បំផ្លាញ​អ្នក​នយោបាយ​ខ្មែរ​បាន​ដោយ​ជោគជ័យ​ជានិច្ច​ ឬ​ក៏​តម្រិះ​នេះ​ អាច​ជិះ​ក​ឯង​វិញ​នៅ​ថ្ងៃ​ណា​មួយ​?​

លោក​នាយក​រដ្ឋ​មន្រ្តី​ ហ៊ុន​ សែន​ មិន​គ្រាន់​តែ​ទទួល​រង​ឥទ្ធិពល​របស់​ចិន​នា​សម័យ​បច្ចុប្បន្ន​នេះ​ទេ​ លោក​សារភាព​ថា ​លោក​ក៏​បាន​ប្រើ​ល្បិច​យុទ្ធសាស្រ្ត​ពី​បុរុម​បុរាណ​របស់​ចិន​ ក្នុង​ការ​កំទេច​ក្រុម​អ្នក​នយោបាយ​ណា​ដែល​ប្រឆាំង​នឹង​លោក​ដែរ​។​ នោះ​គឺ​ល្បិច​ក្នុង​សង្គ្រាម​សាមកុក​ ដែល​ភាគ​ច្រើន​ជា​ល្បិច​បំបែកបំបាក់​ បំផ្លាញ​កំទេច​ និង​ទិញ​ទឹកចិត្ត​ ដើម្បី​គ្រប់គ្រង​ទៅ​លើ​ក្រុម​មន្រ្តី​បក្ស​ជំទាស់​។

យោង​តាម​ប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រ​ប្រទេស​ចិន​ នៅ​អំឡុង​ឆ្នាំ​ ១៨៤​ ដល់​ ២៨០​ នៃ​រាជ្ជកាល​ស្តេច​ហាន​ ក្រុម​ស្តេច​ចិន​ និង​មេទ័ព​ចិន ​បាន​ប្រើ​ល្បិច​គ្រប់​លទ្ធភាព​ដែល​អាច​ធ្វើ​ទៅ​បាន​ក្នុង​ការ​ធ្វើ​ ចុម្បាំង​ ដើម្បី​ដណ្តើម​ទឹកដី​គ្នា​ទៅ​វិញ​ទៅ​មក​។

លោក​ ហ៊ុន សែន​ ធ្លាប់​បាន​សារភាព​ថា​ លោក​ជា​អ្នក​បំផ្លាញ​គណបក្ស​ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច​ ដែល​ធ្លាប់​ជា​បក្ស​កាន់​អំណាច​ឲ្យ​ទៅ​ជា​ចម្រៀកៗ​ នៅ​មុន​ការ​ធ្វើ​រដ្ឋ​ប្រហារ​បង្ហូរ​ឈាម​មួយ​ កាល​ពី​ដើម​ខែ​កក្កដា​ ឆ្នាំ​ ១៩៩៧​។​ មិន​តែ​ប៉ុណ្ណោះ​លោក​ ហ៊ុន សែន​ ក៏​ធ្លាប់​គំរាម​ជា​សាធារណៈ​ដែរ​ថា​ ជន​ណា​ក៏​ដោយ​ បក្ស​ណា​ក៏​ដោយ​ ដែល​ហ៊ាន​លូក​ដៃ​ចូល​ក្នុង​កិច្ចការ​ផ្ទៃ​ក្នុង​របស់​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​នោះ​ នឹង​មាន​វាសនា​ដូច​គណបក្ស​ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច​ជា​មិន​ខាន​៖ 

«​ខ្ញុំ​និយាយ​ អំពី​រឿង​ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច​ចុះ​ ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច​ខ្ញុំ​ទទួល​ស្គាល់​។​ មូលហេតុ​អី​ដែល​ខ្ញុំ​ធ្វើ​ ដោយសារ​ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច​ ពូកែ​លូក​ដៃ​ចូល​កិច្ចការ​ផ្ទៃ​ក្នុង​របស់​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​ច្រើន​ពេក​។​ អ៊ីចឹង​ ខែ​មេសា​ ឆ្នាំ​១៩៩៧​ ខ្ញុំ​បាន​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច​មួយ​ទៅ​ជា ​១១​ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច​ ហើយ​តាំង​ពី​ហ្នឹង​មក​ ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច​ បាន​ចុះ​ខ្សោយ​។​ បើ​សិន​ពេល​នោះ​ ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច​មិន​លូក​ដៃ​ចូល​កិច្ចការ​ផ្ទៃ​ក្នុង​របស់​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​ ខ្ញុំ​នឹង​មិន​ធ្វើ​ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច​ទេ​។​ ប៉ុន្តែ​ពេលនេះ​ ខ្ញុំ​បញ្ជាក់​ថា​ អ្នកណា​ក៏​ដោយ​ បក្សណា​ក៏​ដោយ​ បើ​ហ៊ាន​លូក​ដៃ​ចូល​កិច្ចការ​ផ្ទៃ​ក្នុង​របស់​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​ អ្នក​ឯង​នឹង​មិន​បាន​សុខ​ទេ​។​ ខ្ញុំ​នឹង​ចូល​ទៅ​ដល់​ជម្រក​ចុង​ក្រោយ​របស់​អ្នក​ឯង​តែ​ម្តង​»​។

កំទេច​គណបក្ស​ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច​ អោយ​ហិនហោច​ប៉ុណ្ណឹង​ហើយ​ ក៏​លោក​ ហ៊ុន សែន​ នៅ​មិន​ទាន់​អស់​ចិត្ត​ទៀត​។​ លោក​ត្រូវ​បំផ្លាញ​មេ​គណបក្ស​នេះ​ទៀត​ គឺ​ព្រះអង្គ​ម្ចាស់​នរោត្តម​ រណឫទ្ធិ​។​ នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​​២០០៧​ លោក​ ហ៊ុន សែន​ ត្រូវ​គេ​ឯង​ដឹង​ថា​ អាច​ជា​អ្នក​នៅ​ពី​ក្រោយ​ នៃ​ការ​បង្កើត​ច្បាប់​ឯកពន្ធភាព​ ដែល​គេ​ហៅ​ថា ​ច្បាប់​ដាក់​ទោស​អ្នក​មាន​ប្រពន្ធ​ពីរ​។​ ច្បាប់​នេះ​ទំនង​មាន​គោល​បំណង​តែ​មួយ​គត់​ក្នុង​ការ​ឆ្ពោះ​ទៅ​រក​ការ​ដាក់​ ទោស​ព្រះអង្គ​ម្ចាស់​ នរោត្តម​ រណឫទ្ធិ​ ដោយសារ​មាន​មហេសី​ដល់​ទៅពីរ​។

នៅ​ពេល​នោះ​ អ្នក​ម្នាង​ ម៉ារី រណឫទ្ធិ​ បាន​ដាក់​ពាក្យ​បណ្តឹង​ប្តឹង​ព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់​ នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ​ ពី​បទ​មាន​មហេសី​ពីរ​  ហើយ​លោក​ ហ៊ុន សែន​ អាច​ជា​អ្នក​បញ្ឆេះ​ឲ្យ​មន្រ្តី​គណបក្ស​ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច​ ជាន់​ខ្ពស់​ផ្សេងៗ​ទៀត​ប្តឹង​ព្រះអង្គ​ពី​បទ​លួច​លក់​ទី​ស្នាក់ការ​គណបក្ស​ ក្នុង​តំលៃ​ ​៣.៦​លាន​​ដុល្លារថែមទៀត​។​ ពេលនោះ​ តុលាការ​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ​បាន​ កាត់ទោស​ព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់​ នរោត្តម​ រណឫទ្ធិ​ អោយ​ជាប់​ពន្ធនាគារ​ចំនួន​ ១៨​ខែ​។​

ដើម្ប​គេច​ផុត​ពី​ការ​ជាប់​ពន្ធនាគារ​ ព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់​ នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ​ នៅ​គ្រា​នោះ​បាន​ភៀស​ព្រះកាយ​ទៅ​កាន់​ប្រទេស​ម៉ាឡេស៊ី​ រស់​នៅ​ជា​មួយ​ស្រី​ក្មេង​ថ្មី​របស់​ព្រះអង្គ​។​ ល្បិច​បុរាណ​ចិន​ ក្នុង​ការ​បំបែក​បំបាក់​ត្រង់​ចំណុច​នេះ​ លោក​ ហ៊ុន សែន​ ទំនង​ជា​លេង​បាន​យ៉ាង​ល្អ​។​ គោលបំណង​នៃ​ល្បិច​សាមកុក​ របស់​លោក​ ហ៊ុន សែន​ ដែល​លោក​បាន​រចនា​ក្បួន​ពេលនោះ​ គឺ​ដើម្បី​បំផ្លាញ​ និង​លុប​ឈ្មោះ​ព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់​ នរោត្តម​ រណឫទ្ធិ​ ចេញ​ពី​បញ្ជី​នយោយបាយ​តែ​ម្តង​។​

នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​​២០០៨​ លោក​ ហ៊ុន សែន​ ទទួល​ជោគជ័យ​ធំ​ទៅ​តាម​បំណង​ប្រាថ្នា​របស់​លោក​មែន​ គឺ​ព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់​ នរោត្តម​ រណឫទ្ធិ​ បាន​សម្រេច​ចិត្ត​ឈប់​ធ្វើ​នយោបាយ​ គឺ​លា​ចាក​ពី​ប្រធាន​គណបក្ស​ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច​។​

ចំពោះ​ករណី​របស់​ប្រធាន​គណបក្ស​ជំទាស់​វិញ​ ក៏​ស្រដៀង​ករណី​របស់​សម្តេច​ក្រុមព្រះ​ នរោត្តម​ រណឫទ្ធិ​ ដែរ​។​ នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​​២០០៥​ លោក​ សម រង្ស៊ី​ បាន​និរទេស​ខ្លួន​ចេញ​ពី​កម្ពុជា​ ក្រោយ​ពី​រដ្ឋសភា​បាន​ដក​អភ័យឯកសិទ្ធ​តំណាងរាស្រ្ត​របស់​លោក​ ដោយសារ​លោក​បាន​ចោទ​ប្រកាន់​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា​ និង​គណបក្ស​ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច​ ថា​មាន​អំពើ​ពុករលួយ​ក្នុង​ការ​បង្កើត​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​ចម្រុះ​ ហើយ​បាន​ចោទ​លោក​ ហ៊ុន សែន​ ថា​ជា​អ្នក​នៅ​ពី​ក្រោយ​នៃ​ការ​សម្លាប់​លោក​ ជា​ វិជ្ជា​ ប្រធាន​សហជីព​សេរី​កម្មករ​។​ ពេលនោះ​ តុលាការ​កម្ពុជា​បាន​កាត់ទោស​ឲ្យ​លោក សម​ រង្ស៊ី​ ជាប់​គុក​ ១៨​ខែ​។​

នៅ​ដើម​ខែ​កុម្ភៈ​ ឆ្នាំ​២០០៦​ លោក​ សម រង្ស៊ី​ បាន​វិល​ត្រឡប់​ចូល​ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា​វិញ​ ដោយសារ​លោក​បាន​ដក​បណ្តឹង​ ឈប់​ប្តឹង​លោក​ ហ៊ុន​ សែន​ នៅ​តុលាការ​ក្រុង​ញូវ​យ៉ក​ សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក​ ពី​បទ​គប់​គ្រាប់​បែក​មុខ​រដ្ឋសភា​ កាល​ពី​ឆ្នាំ​​១៩៩៧​ ហើយ​ពេលនោះ​ លោក​ សម រង្ស៊ី​ បាន​សរសេរ​លិខិត​មួយ​សុំទោស​លោក​នាយក​រដ្ឋ​មន្រ្តី​ ហ៊ុន សែន​ ថា​លោក​ខុស​ហើយ​ មិនសម​ធ្វើ​ដូច្នេះ​ទេ​។​ ក្រោយ​មក​បន្តិច​ លោក​នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី​ ហ៊ុន សែន​ បាន​ស្នើ​ឲ្យ​ព្រះ​មហាក្សត្រ​លើកលែង​ទោស​ឲ្យ​លោក​ សម​ រង្ស៊ី​ ចូល​ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា​វិញ​។

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នៅ​ក្នុង​ខ្សែ​អាត់​សំឡេង​របស់​លោក​ ហ៊ុន សែន​ ដែល​បែកធ្លាយ​តាម​បណ្តាញ​ទំនាក់ទំនង​សង្គម​ហ្វេសប៊ុក​ (Facebook)​ កាល​ពី​ដើម​ខែ​កក្កដា​ ឆ្នាំ​ ២០១៣​ លោក​ ហ៊ុន សែន​ និយាយ​ក្តែងៗ​ថា​ ការ​អនុញ្ញាត​ឲ្យ​លោក​ សម​ រង្ស៊ី​ វិល​ចូល​ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា​វិញ​កាល​ពី​ឆ្នាំ​​២០០៦​ នោះ​ គឺ​លោក​ជា​អ្នក​ធ្វើ​អន្តរាគមន៍​ ដោយសារ​ពេលនោះ​ លោក​ចង់​ខ្ចី​ដៃ​លោក​ សម រង្ស៊ី​ ដើម្បី​កែ​រដ្ឋ​ធម្មនុញ្ញ​ពី​រូបមន្ត​ពីរ​ភាគ​បី​ ក្នុង​ការ​បង្កើត​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​ មក​រូបមន្ត​ ៥០​ភាគរយ​បូក​មួយ​វិញ​ ដើម្បី​បន្ថយ​អំណាច​តថ្លៃ​របស់​គណបក្ស​ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច​ ដែល​ស្ថិត​ក្នុង​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​ចម្រុះ​​ជាមួយ​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា​៖

«លើក ​មុន​តុលាការ​កាត់​ឲ្យ​ជាប់​គុក​ ខ្ញុំ​ជា​អ្នក​អន្តរាគមន៍​ឲ្យ​ចូល​មក​វិញ​ តែ​មិនមែន​អត់​ប្រយោជន៍​ទេ​ គឺ​មក​ដើម្បី​ប្រើ​ដៃ​សម រង្ស៊ី​ ជួយ​រំដោះ​ខ្លួន​ពី​ រណឫទ្ធិ​ បាន​សេចក្តី​ថា​ មក​ជួយ​កែ​រដ្ឋ​ធម្មនុញ្ញ​ បាន​ខ្ញុំ​ឲ្យ​មក​។​ និយាយ​ឲ្យ​ច្បាស់​ត្រង់ៗ​ជាមួយ​គ្នា​។​ អ្នក​ដែល​លើក​អំណាច​ថ្វាយ​​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​ ចុងក្រោយ​បំផុត​ គឺ​ សម​ រង្ស៊ី​ នេះ​ឯង​ បើ ​សម រង្ស៊ី​ ទុក​ពីរ​ភាគ​បី​ រណឫទ្ធិ​ នៅ​តែ​សង្កត់​ក្បាល​យើង​ងាប់​។​ អ៊ីចឹង​តម្រូវ​ការ​ពេលនោះ​ យក​ សម​ រង្ស៊ី​ ចូល​ស្រុក​សុំ​ការ​លើកលែង​ទោស​ឲ្យ​ ដើម្បី​ជួយ​កែ​រដ្ឋ​ធម្មនុញ្ញ​ទេ​។​ ដំណាក់កាល​មួយ​ ប្រើ​ដៃ ​រណឫទ្ធិ​ កំចាត់​សម​ រង្ស៊ី​ សិន​ ពី​ព្រោះ ​ប៉ាប៉ា​ យើង​ស្នើ​រូបមន្ត​បី​ភាគី​ ឯ​គណបក្ស​យើង​តែ​ពីរ​ភាគី​។​ ថ្ងៃ​ទី​៥​ ខែ​វិច្ឆិកា​ ចេញ​អា​បី​ភាគី​ ហើយ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​៦​ វិច្ឆិកា​ ចេញ​លទ្ធផល​ពិត​ និង​លទ្ធផល​មិនពិត​ វា​ទាត់​ប្រឡែង​ដូច​បាល់​អ៊ីចឹង​។​ ប៉ុន្តែ​ចុង​បញ្ចប់​ គេ​យក​ រណឫទ្ធិ​ បង្កើត​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​ទ្វេ​ភាគី​ ហើយ​ដាក់​ សម​ រង្ស៊ី​ ឲ្យ​នៅ​ក្រៅ​។​ រួច​ហើយ​ទាញ​យក​ដៃ​ សម​ រង្ស៊ី​ មក​កែ​រដ្ឋ​ធម្មនុញ្ញ​ ដើម្បី​បន្ថយ​អំណាច​តថ្លៃ​របស់​ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច​។​ អាហ្នឹង​និយាយ​ឲ្យ​ក្បួន​អស់​ខ្នាត ​តិច​ទៅ​ចុះ​។​ ប៉ុន្តែ​បើ​សិន​អ្នក​ឯង​អត់​ចេះ​លេង​ល្បែង​សាមកុក​ កុំ​ទាន់​អាល​លេង​ជាមួយ​ ហ៊ុន សែន​។​ ពេលខ្លះ​ ខុង ម៉ីង​ មិន​ទាន់​ធ្វើ​ ស៊ឺម៉ាអ៊ី​ មិន​ទាន់​ធ្វើ​ត្រូវ​ ហ៊ុន សែន​ ធ្វើ​នៅ​សតវត្ស​ទី ២១​ ឯណេះ​វិញ​ទេ​ ពីព្រោះ​កាល​នោះ​ ចាប់ផ្តើម​ឡើង​គេ​វ៉ៃ​គ្នា​ទេ​ ល្បិច​វ៉ៃ​​គ្នា​ទេ​។​ តែ​នេះ​ជា​ល្បិច​ក្នុង​ល្បិច​នៃ​ការ​យក​ប្រៀប​នៅ​ក្នុង​ល្បែង​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ ​»​។

រូប​មន្ត​ពីរ​ភាគ​បី​ ជា​រូបមន្ត​ដែល​បង្កើត​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​ចម្រុះ​​ជាមួយ​គណបក្ស​ផ្សេង​ ដែល​មាន​អសនៈ​ក្នុង​រដ្ឋ​សភា​ ហើយ​រូបមន្ត ​៥០​ភាគរយ​បូក​មួយ​ ជា​រូបមន្ត​ ដែល​គណបក្ស​មាន​អសនៈ​ច្រើន​ជាង​គេ​ក្នុង​រដ្ឋសភា​អាច​បង្កើត​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​ ខ្លួន​ឯង​បាន​ដោយមិន​ចាំបាច់​មាន​ការ​ចូលរួម​ពី​បក្ស​ផ្សេង​។​

ដូច្នេះ​ល្បែង​នយោបាយ​តាម​ក្បួន​សាមកុក​ ហាក់​ត្រូវ​បាន​លោក​ ហ៊ុន​ សែន​ យក​មក​លេង​យ៉ាង​មាន​ប្រសិទ្ធភាព​ជា​បន្តបន្ទាប់​ ដើម្បី​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​ក្រុម​ប្រឆាំង​ចុះ​ទន់ខ្សោយ​។​ ក៏​ប៉ុន្តែ​ តើ​ក្បួន​សាមកុក​របស់​លោក​ ហ៊ុន​ សែន​ នៅ​ខែ​កក្កដា​ ឆ្នាំ​២០១៣​ នេះ​ អាច​ធ្វើ​អោយ​លោក​មាន​ជ័យជំនះ​ទៀត​ ឬ​នេះ​ជា​ចំណេះ​ជិះ​ក​ឯង​ ដែល​នាំ​អោយ​លោក​ទទួល​បរាជ័យ​នៅ​ចុង​បញ្ចប់​ទៅ​វិញ​?

លោក​ ហ៊ុន​ សែន​ ធ្លាប់​ស្រែក​ប្រកាស​នៅ​ចំពោះ​មុខ​ក្រុម​មន្រ្តី​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា​ថា ​ គ្មាន​ផ្លូវ​ណា​ ដែល​បើក​ឲ្យ​មេ​បក្ស​ប្រឆាំង​ចូល​ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា​វិញ​នោះ​ទេ​។​  ប៉ុន្តែ​ឥឡូវ​ លោក​ សម​ រង្ស៊ី​ កំពុង​មាន​វត្តមាន​នៅ​កម្ពុជា​ ទំនង​ជា​ដោយសារ​សម្ពាធ​របស់​ប្រទេស​មហា​អំណាច​ ហើយ​សម្ពាធ​នេះ​បាន​បង្ខំ​ឲ្យ​លោក​ ហ៊ុន​ សែន​ ត្រូវ​តែ​បើក​ផ្លូវ​ឲ្យ​លោក​ សម​ រង្ស៊ី​ ចូល​ស្រុក​វិញ​។​

ក្បួន​សាមកុក​របស់​លោក​ ហ៊ុន​ សែន​ ពេល​នេះ​ ប្រហែល​ជា​បែង​ខុស​ក្រឡា​បន្តិច​។​ ក្បួន​នេះ​អាច​លេង​ជោគជ័យ​ទៅ​បាន​ ប្រសិនបើ​ពិភពលោក​នេះ​ បិទជិត​ហើយ​គ្មាន​ការ​ឃ្លាំ​មើល​របស់​អន្តរជាតិ​។​ ប៉ុន្តែ​ក្នុង​សតវត្ស​ទី​២១​ ដូច្នេះ​អ្វីៗ​ កាន់​តែ​បើក​ចំហរ​ ដោយសារ​ប្រព័ន្ធ​ផ្សព្វផ្សាយ​ ប្រព័ន្ធ​ទំនាក់ទំនង​សង្គម​ ប្រព័ន្ធ​អ៊ីនធឺណែត​ សម្ពាធ​របស់​មហាជន​ និង​ស​ម្ពាធ​របស់​បណ្តា​ប្រទេស​មហា​អំណាច​ ដែល​សេដ្ឋកិច្ច​កម្ពុជា​ត្រូវការ​ពឹងពាក់​បណ្តា​ប្រទេស​ទាំងនោះ​ដែរ​។​

បរាជ័យ ​ក្បាច់​សាមកុក​ គឺ​ជា​បរាជ័យ​ដ៏​ធំ​បំផុត​របស់​លោក​ ហ៊ុន​ សែន​ ដោយសារ​សម្ពាធ​របស់​មហា​អំណាច​អាមេរិក​ ដែល​នឹង​មិន​ទទួល​ស្គាល់​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​ក្រោយ​ការ​បោះឆ្នោត​ ប្រសិនបើ​គ្មាន​មេ​បក្ស​ប្រឆាំង​ចូលរួម​ការ​បោះឆ្នោត​។  ទីពីរ​ លោក​ ហ៊ុន​ សែន​ ទំនង​អាច​ខ្លាច​ប្រឡាក់​ឈ្មោះ​ក្នុង​បញ្ជី​ខ្មៅ​របស់​អាមេរិក​ ដែល​តំណាង​រាស្រ្ត​សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក​ គំរាម​ដាក់​រូប​លោក​​ក្នុង​បញ្ជី​ឈ្មោះ​នៃ​ក្រុម​មេ​ដឹកនាំ​អាក្រក់​បំផុត​ លើ​ពិភពលោក​។​

លោក​ ហ៊ុន​ សែន​ ក៏​ទំនង​ជា​ខ្លាច​សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក ​ប្រមូល​កៀរគរ​ប្រទេស​ជា​មិត្ត​របស់​អាមេរិក​ទាំងអស់ ​អោយ​កាត់ផ្តាច់​ជំនួយ​សេដ្ឋកិច្ច​ និង​កាត់​បន្ថយ​ទំនាក់ទំនង​ជាមួយ​កម្ពុជា​។​ ទណ្ឌកម្ម​សេដ្ឋកិច្ច​របស់​សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក​ និង​សហភាព​អឺរ៉ុប​មក​លើ​កម្ពុជា​ អាច​ជា​ការ​បញ្ឈប់​មិនអោយ​ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា​ នាំ​ផលិតផល​សម្លៀកបំពាក់​កាត់ដេរ​ចូល​ក្នុង​ប្រទេស​របស់​ពួកគេ​។​ ពេលនោះ​ កម្មករ​ប្រមាណ ​៧០​ម៉ឺន​នាក់​នៅ​កម្ពុជា ​នឹង​អត់​ការងារ​ធ្វើ​។​ គួបផ្សំ​នឹង​យុវជន​កំពុង​អត់​ការងារ​ធ្វើ​ស្រាប់​រាប់ម៉ឺន​នាក់​ផង​នោះ​ កម្ពុជា​អាច​នឹង​កើត​មាន​ភាពចលាចល​សង្គម​។​ នោះ​ហើយ​ ទំនង​ជា​ក្តី​បារម្ភ​ធំ​មួយ​របស់​លោក​នាយក​រដ្ឋ​មន្ត្រី​ ហ៊ុន​ សែន​​ និង​ទីបី​ ការ​បង្រួបបង្រួម​នៃ​គណបក្ស​ប្រឆាំង​ទាំងពីរ​ អោយ​ទៅ​ជា​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះជាតិ​នេះ​ បាន​ធ្វើ​អោយ​កំលាំង​ប្រឆាំង​កាន់​តែ​មាន​អនុភាព​ និង​មាន​សន្ទុះ​កាន់​តែ​ខ្លាំង​។​

ម៉្យាងទៀត​ លោក​ កឹម​ សុខា​ បាន​អះអាង​ម្តង​ហើយ​ម្តង​ទៀត​ថា​ មន្រ្តី​គណបក្ស​ប្រឆាំង​​ដែល​នៅ​សេសសល់​ពេល​នេះ​ សុទ្ធ​តែ​ជា​មន្រ្តី​ដែល​លែង​ចុះ​ញ៉ម​តាម​ការ​អូសទាញ​ តាម​ល្បិច​បុរាណ​ចិន​របស់​លោក​ ហ៊ុន​ សែន​ ទៀត​ហើយ​៖ «​យើង​ខ្ញុំ​ស៊ូ​ ប៉ុណ្ណឹង​ហើយ​ រឿង​អី​ចុង​ក្រោយ​យើង​ខ្ញុំ​ទៅ​ធ្វើ​អំពើ​ថោកទាប​ ដូច​អ្នក​នយោបាយ​ខ្លះ​។​ យើងខ្ញុំ​មិន​អាច​ធ្វើ​បាន​ទេ​ យើង​ខ្ញុំ​បញ្ជាក់​ ហើយ​គឺ​ទិញ​មិន​លក់​ សម្លុត​មិន​ខ្លាច​ ពាក់ព័ន្ធ​នឹង​ថ្នាក់​មន្រ្តី​បន្ទាប់ៗ​។​ ខ្ញុំ​ឃើញ​ថា​អស់​លោក​ទាំង​ហ្នឹង​មាន​មេរៀន​ច្រើន​ហើយ​។​ អ្នក​ដែល​ទៅ​ហ្នឹង​ គេ​យក​ទៅ​ទុក​ឯណា​ គឺ​ទុក​នៅ​ធុង​សំរាម​។​ គេ​មិន​ដែល​ប្រើ​ឲ្យ​ធ្វើ​អី​ផង​ ហើយ​បើ​គេ​ប្រើ​ គឺ​ប្រើ​គ្រាន់​តែ​ឲ្យ​មក​ជេរ​ មក​បញ្ចោរ​ មក​បង្កាច់​ មក​បង្ខូច​អ្នក​ដែល​ដឹកនាំ​ពី​មុន​មក​តែ​ប៉ុណ្ណឹង​។​ ដូច្នេះ​ហើយ​ វា​អត់​មាន​តំលៃ​។​ គូ​ប្រកួត​របស់​យើង​ដែល​គេ​ដឹង​ខ្លួន​ គេ​ភ័យ​ខ្លួន​ថា​ ចាញ់​គេ​អត់​មាន​ធម៌​សូត្រ​ទៀត​ អ៊ីចឹង​ហើយ​គេ​ចេះ​តែ​ឆ្កឹះ​ឆ្កៀល​ គេ​ចេះ​តែ​បង្កើត​ពាក្យ​ចចាមអារ៉ាម​ ថា​យើង​អ៊ីចេះ​ យើង​អ៊ីចុះ​។​ ប៉ុន្តែ​មេរៀន​នេះ​ដដែល​ៗ​ទេ​ អត់​មក​បំបែក​ សម ​រង្ស៊ី​ កឹម​ សុខា​ បាន​ទេ​ ទិញ​មិន​លក់​ សម្លុត​មិន​ខ្លាច​ ដូច្នេះ​ហើយ​ឲ្យ​ច្បាស់​ត្រង់​ហ្នឹង​»។

ប្រសិន​បើ​ទ្រឹស្តី ​«​ទិញ​មិន​លក់​ សម្លុត​មិន​ខ្លាច​»​ ដែល​លោក​ កឹម​ សុខា​ អះអាង​នេះ​ ជា​អ្វី​ដែល​លោក​ និង​សមាជិក​គណបក្ស​របស់​លោក​ប្រកាន់​យក​ដោយ​ខ្ជាប់ខ្ជួន​នោះ​ ល្បិច​បុរាណ​ចិន​សាមកុក​របស់​លោក​ ហ៊ុន​ សែន​ នឹង​ទទួល​បរាជ័យ​ ហើយ​ចំណេះ​នេះ​នឹង​ជិះ​ក​ឯង​វិញ​ជា​មិន​ខាន​៕

THAILAND: University apologises for Hitler banner

Associated Press20 July 2013 Issue No:281

 

Thailand's premier university has apologised for displaying a billboard that showed Adolf Hitler alongside Superman and other superheroes, saying last week that it was painted by ignorant students who did not realise Hitler's image would offend anyone, writes Jocelyn Gecker for Associated Press.

The huge billboard was placed outside the art faculty of Chulalongkorn University as part of a tribute to this year's graduating class. It said “Congratulations” in bold white letters and showed Hitler with his arm raised in a Nazi salute next to Batman, Captain America, the Incredible Hulk and Iron Man.

“(We) would like to formally express our sincere apology for our students' 'Superhero' mural," art school Dean Suppakorn Disatapundhu said in a statement. The billboard was up for two days before being removed last weekend in response to criticism. Online photographs showed graduating students in their robes, mimicking Hitler's raised arm salute.

 

Thailand's premier university has apologized for displaying a billboard that showed Adolf Hitler alongside Superman and other superheroes, saying Monday it was painted by ignorant students who didn't realize Hitler's image would offend anyone.

The huge billboard was placed outside the art faculty of Chulalongkorn University as part of a tribute to this year's graduating class.

It said "Congratulations" in bold white letters and showed Hitler with his arm raised in a Nazi salute next to Batman, Captain America, the Incredible Hulk and Iron Man.

"(We) would like to formally express our sincere apology for our students' 'Superhero' mural," art school dean Suppakorn Disatapundhu said in a statement issued Monday. "I can assure you we are taking this matter very seriously."

The billboard was up for two days before being removed Saturday in response to criticism. Online photographs showed graduating students in their robes, mimicking Hitler's raised arm salute.

Suppakorn said that freshman art students had painted the banner as part of a traditional send-off from incoming students to the graduating class, and it was one of dozens of banners and billboards across the campus during the university's commencement period.

The artistic vision behind the picture was to show that good and bad people co-exist in the world, Suppakorn said after summoning the students for an explanation.

"They told me the concept was to paint a picture of superheroes who protect the world," the dean said in a telephone interview.

"Hitler was supposed to serve as a conceptual paradox to the superheroes," he said, noting that the superheroes were painted in vivid colors, while Hitler's image was in grey scale. "This kind of thoughtless display will not happen again."

The Simon Wiesenthal Center, an international Jewish human rights group, had criticized the banner prior to its removal.

"Hitler as a superhero? Is he an appropriate role model for Thailand's younger generation — a genocidal hate monger who mass murdered Jews and Gypsies and who considered people of color as racially inferior," Rabbi Abraham Cooper, associate dean at the center, said in a statement Friday. "The Simon Wiesenthal Center is outraged and disgusted by this public display at Thailand's leading school of higher education."

The study of history in the Thai school system revolves primarily around the history of Thailand and its long line of kings. World history is glossed over, with little or no mention of the Holocaust.

 

HONG KONG: More students chase university places

South China Morning Post20 July 2013 Issue No:281

 

Competition for university places is tougher this year than last, as more secondary school students have achieved the minimum requirements for admission in the Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education – HKDSE – exam, writes Johnny Tam for the South China Morning Post.

Statistics released last week by the Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority showed that of 82,283 students who took HKDSE exams this year, 28,418 obtained the minimum score for about 15,000 government-subsidised first-year university degree places through the joint admission system. That represents a 7% increase from the 26,552 last year, and means that more than 13,000 students will have to pay more for full-fee private courses, opt for sub-degree programmes or look elsewhere.

The number of candidates from outside the school system also increased by 736%, from 1,329 last year to 11,115 this year, as some students from the first HKDSE exam re-sat it this year and some from the previous Advanced Level Examination might have taken the new syllabus. The diploma exam was held for the second time since so-called 3+3+4 education reforms came into full effect. Secondary school education was cut from seven to six years and standard university degree courses lengthened from three to four years.

Full report on the South China Morning Post site

MYANMAR: Suu Kyi to help ‘political’ students barred from HE

Naw Say Phaw Waa20 July 2013 Issue No:281

 

Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has taken up the case of former political prisoners released under presidential amnesties in 2011 and 2012, who have still not been able to secure government permission to resume university studies. A number of political prisoners were students at the time they were jailed.

Suu Kyi told a group of released political prisoners, who have been lobbying for the right to continue their studies where they had left off, that she would bring the case before parliament and the Ministry of Education.

She met them at the margins of a high-level conference on higher education attended by ministers, parliamentarians and foreign education bodies and held on 29-30 June in the Myanmar capital Naypyidaw.

Some 15 students from Yangon have not been able to study since they were released under President Thein Sein’s amnesties. Most of them were detained during and after the 2007 ‘Saffron Revolution’ – a pro-democracy uprising led by saffron-robed monks.

According to university authorities, if students are away from university for more than four years they will be excluded. For former political prisoners, the only option is to begin their degrees again via distance learning.

But all the students had already completed one or more years of university education. Some were already in their final year at the time of detention. The next university year will start in December 2013 and all of the students are hoping to get permission to study.

Si Thu Maung, a member of the Yangon Institute of Economics student union and one of eight former political prisoners who met with the pro-democracy leader, told University World News that Suu Kyi said she thought all of the students had already been able to attend university.

“She feels sorry that it hasn’t happened until now and said it shouldn’t be like this. She also said education is for all, and as the government is reforming the country, they shouldn’t put a constraint on students to study,” he said.

She promised to bring up the issue in the Hluttaw (parliament) – although no timetable had been set.

Ministry of Education officials had told local media that the rules barring students from attending university after a long break were not just for political prisoners but for all students, and were designed to prevent truancy.

Dragging on

The problem has dragged on for at least 18 months, and most of the students affected have been unable to find a job.

“Around 15 students from Yangon including myself, who were released under the amnesty on 13 January 2012, met with professors from different universities in February 2012 to discuss attending university again,” De Nyein Lin, chair of the organising committee of the Federation of Students’ Unions, told University World News.

“However, the professors told us to apply higher up because they couldn’t help us with this problem until permission had come from their superiors.”

On 9 February 2012, eight former political prisoners met Suu Kyi at the National League for Democracy’s head office in Yangon, said Yae Myat Hein, deputy head of the organising committee of the Federation of Students' Unions.

Suu Kyi’s response then had also been that their education should not be restricted, as the students had already been punished by being in jail.

The students sent letters to members of the Hluttaw, political parties, the president’s office and other organisations last year. At the end of May 2012, representatives from various universities called a meeting at West Yangon University with the former detainees and their parents.

“They said they called the meeting because they received letters from the president to meet with students. Then we signed [an agreement] to attend the university punctually, obey the university rules and not disturb the stability of the state,” De Nyein Lin said.

“However there has been no response since then. Whenever we go and ask, they say there has been no order from their superiors yet.”

Three students met with U Aung Min and U Soe Thein, both ministers in the president’s office, on 2 July. The ministers urged the students to send them detailed letters “so they can help the students to study again”, said De Nyein Lin.

Yae Myat Hein said he was hopeful this time as they had not only been able to speak to Suu Kyi but also ministers who are close to the president. He said the students hoped to be allowed back for the 2013-14 academic year.

A ninth amnesty was granted on 17 May this year, just before President Thein Sein’s visit to the US in May. Other amnesties were granted before the president attended the United Nations General Assembly, before the American president visited Myanmar, and before the ASEAN Summit and other high-level visits. 

VIETNAM: Government lowers targets to slow HE student growth

Hiep Pham20 July 2013 Issue No:281

 

In a landmark decision that overrides previous massification policies, Vietnam is to slow the expansion of higher education between now and at least 2020, according to a new universities and colleges planning document signed by Deputy Prime Minister Nguyen Thien Nhan.

The planning regulation called “Decision 37”, released last month under the framework of the higher education law that came into effect in January 2013, sets new targets: by 2020, Vietnam will have some 2.2 million students in higher education, 3% of them from overseas, and the number of students will represent 2.56% of the population.

This means there will be almost no increase in student numbers in higher education between now and the end of the decade, as the number of students stood at 2.16 million in 2010 – or 250 per 10,000 people (2.5% of the population).

The previous targets were set at 4.5 million students in higher education by 2020 – or 450 per 10,000 people (4.5%) under a 2007 regulation known as “Decision 121”.

It is not clear whether the new targets mean that government is acknowledging the failure of previous targets under Decision 121 or are due to a “mis-estimate by policy-makers”, according to a Hanoi-based educator who did not want to be named.

The educator also questioned whether the lowering of targets was reasonable given a high birth rate in the past decade.

However, graduate unemployment and the phenomenon of graduates taking up jobs that do not need university education have been rising, with some critics blaming the over-expansion of universities.

By last October, Vietnam already had 165,000 unemployed graduates, or some 17% of the overall jobless total. Criticism that graduates lack the skills needed by employers is also increasingly heard.

Nghia Tran, a PhD student in higher education studies at the University of Melbourne, described Decision 37 as a “turning point” for higher education policy. The previous targets under Decision 121 were “legal excuses” for the over-expansion of higher education in the past decade, he told University World News.

He said that with lower student quotas for both existing and newly established institutions, “universities will have to compete really hard against each other to maintain their operations, if they do not want to be eliminated”.

The government has been attempting to slow higher education expansion for some time. At a higher education summit in January, attended by rectors of all higher education institutions and provincial heads of education from around the country, the Ministry of Education and Training admitted that quality was not increasing at the same pace as student numbers.

“The first priority for our sector in 2013 is to improve quality assurance in every aspect of higher education,” the ministry’s Director of Higher Education Bui Anh Tuan told the summit.

In March, the ministry announced that it would slash enrolment quotas at some 23 higher education institutions due to poor facilities and lack of qualified academics. 

MALAYSIA: Uproar over ‘race bias’ in public university places

Emilia Tan and Yojana Sharma17 July 2013 Issue No:281

 

When the Malaysian government announced the allocation of seats at public universities last week, it sparked uproar among ethnic Chinese and Indians. Only 19% of places were awarded to Chinese and 4% to Indian students – and even some with the highest exam scores failed to gain a place on their preferred course.

The ethnic breakdown of the Malaysian population is 23% Chinese and 7% Indian, while 60% are Malay – also known as Bumiputras, or sons of the soil – according to the most recent census.

The results prompted Jaspal Singh, treasurer general of the Malaysian Indian Congress, or MIC – which is part of the ruling National Front (Barisan Nasional) coalition – to say it was “the most unfair and biased public university intake in the history of Malaysia”.

He said some 3,000 Indians should have been given places at public universities. Instead, around 1,500 students were allocated places. Singh said the Chinese student intake had dropped from around 25% of public university enrolment in recent years to 19%.

Chief Minister of Penang state Lim Guan Eng, who is secretary general of the opposition Malaysian Democratic Action Party or DAP, which is supported by Chinese voters and backed by some Indians, said the result was a “painful injustice”.

“After 56 years of independence it is time for all political parties and the [higher education] ministry not to focus on race but on why qualified students cannot get places in public universities on merit,” Lim said in a statement on 15 July.

Lim added that depriving qualified students of places in public universities was a waste of talent and would drive away the country’s best and brightest, who would go abroad. “It will make it easier for other countries like Singapore to happily snatch away our crème de la crème,” Lim said.

Chinese predicament

Of the 41,573 public university enrolments this year, only 7,913 were Chinese Malaysians. Last year Chinese students made up 8,985 of a total enrolment of 38,549 and in 2011 around 9,457 of a total enrolment of 41,267, according to the Malaysian Chinese Association, or MCA, which is part of the Barisan coalition.

Many top scorers in terms of GPA – Grade Point Average – from the two minority groups failed to get into their preferred degree courses.

“Students with a GPA of 4.0 (perfect score) should not be given courses which they had not opted for, as they are a talented group. If these students with excellent results fail to get the course that they want, they might just take up offers from other countries like Singapore,” said MCA Education Bureau Chair Wee Ka Siong, at a press conference on 12 July.

“The hardest hit are students with a GPA of 4.0 who applied for medicine, pharmacy and dentistry and were yet not offered any place or given any course in the eight options applied for,” Wee said.

Indian figures

The MIC president, G Palanivel, who is minister for natural resources and environment, said in a press statement on 3 July that a total of 6,150 ethnic Indian students had applied for the 2013-14 public university intake.

For the first intake, 1,500 were offered places but only 892 accepted the offers. During the second intake another 350 students were made offers. Palanivel said that he did not know at that point how many had been accepted.

He said Prime Minister Najib Razak had agreed to increase the intake to 1,500, and he had sent letters of appeal “to ensure that Indian students get their 1,500 places.”

But Palanivel admitted some Indian students with a perfect cumulative GPA were unable to get into their preferred courses. Some did not even get a place at a public university.

MIC’s higher education bureau said it had received complaints from 10 students who had scored a perfect GPA but were denied a place of their choice.

Criticism of the government

Parent Action Group for Education Chair Noor Azimah Abdul Rahim told local media: “What is important is that meritocracy has to take precedence because hard work has to be rewarded. Students with a [GPA of] 4.0 should be able to get what they want – it is a perfect score.

“Something definitely has to be done about this," she said.

Political analysts believe Malay nationalists within the coalition had pressured the party to cut back on opportunities for ethnic Chinese and Indians in education and other spheres after the ruling coalition secured a majority in elections held in May.

Barisan Nasional actively tried to woo the ethnic minority vote in the run-up to the elections in order to stay in power. Education has been a key theme among the electorate. But such concessions for Chinese and Indian groups are not necessarily popular with the Malay majority, particularly in rural areas.

Singh placed the blame squarely at the door of the Education Ministry, laying into ethnically Indian Deputy Education Minister P Kamalanathan, an MIC member.

Singh said Kamalanathan had “mocked the trust” that the Indian community had placed in him, and he advised Kamalanathan not to “cover up for the Education Ministry”.

“This discrimination must stop. The majority of Indians are poor and the parents sacrifice much to educate their children,” Singh said.

“We should ensure they receive the courses of their choice and stay in Malaysia to contribute to future nation building. Instead, the Education Ministry crushes their dreams, destroys the hopes of their parents and confirms it is pursuing the most vile of policies," said Singh.

Students not accepted by public universities are forced to turn to private universities with much higher fees and few scholarships. Those who are financially better off tend to go abroad.

Ministry response

Kamalanathan said this week that some 18,222 students had failed to secure university places this year. “But we have opened a channel for them to appeal,” he told local media. He said he had received more than 100 appeals.

The deputy minister said earlier that the number of “top performers” exceeded seats available, particularly in ‘critical’ courses, mainly medicine and dentistry.

“The government is committed to providing pathways to all deserving candidates and will strive to cater to find alternatives, to make sure no student is left behind in the quest for knowledge," Kamalanathan said in a statement.

But as criticism continued to build, he tweeted on 16 July that the issue would be discussed in cabinet this week, in an attempt to find a solution.

Lim also criticised the MIC and the MCA, both part of the ruling coalition, for their “annual national obsession on race profiling”. He said the serious issue of depriving qualified students of university places was argued from a racial perspective, when it should be based on “equal opportunity, excellence and performance”.

He emphasised a need for clear, transparent criteria for public universities. "The future of our young is too important to be politicised or played about as an annual game,” Lim said

Cambodia: Apsara Authority Refutes $200M Revenue Claim

By Kuch Naren - July 13, 2013

The Apsara Authority, which manages the Angkor Archaeo­logical Park, issued a statement on Friday refuting a claim made by Cambodia National Rescue Party leader Kem Sokha about the amount of revenue that it collects from ticket sales. 

The letter, signed by Apsara Authority director-general Bun Narith, said that Mr. Sokha was quoted on July 9 while campaigning in Siem Reap as saying that the revenue from ticket sales for Angkor is almost $200 million per year.

“The Cambodia Na­tional Rescue Party has purposefully pretended to know the correct tourism figures in order to mislead about the number of tourists visiting Angkor,” it says.

The statement went on to explain that not all the 3,584,307 tourists to the country last year visited the temples, meaning the revenues collected at Angkor Park are actually much lower.

The Apsara Authority did not say what its revenues are, but pointed out that children younger than 12 and government delegations are not re­quired to purchase a ticket to enter the park.

The true number of tickets sold last year was 1,808,623, the authority said, and of those, 59.2 percent were single day passes, which cost $20.