Statistics reveal job risks for beer promoters

Wednesday, 22 August 2012

Shane Worrell and Mom Kunthear

 

Malis, not her real name, appears forlorn as she describes what her daughters go through to secure tips from their customers.

The young women, promoters for a major beer company, reluctantly spend their nights getting drunk on their own product – it’s what customers demand and can be the difference between the promoters earning tips and leaving their restaurants empty-handed.

Malis would know – she sells for the same beer company.

“I very much pity my daughters for following me into this work, but what can I do?” the 42-year-old says.

Getting drunk may be only a weekly or monthly pleasure for the customers, but for the women who serve them in restaurants, beer gardens and karaoke venues, it can be a full-time job – 27 nights a month.

“Every night, I have to talk to clients and persuade them to drink my beer,” Malis says. “I have to force myself to drink with the clients because it’s the only way they will buy it – I can’t avoid it.”

According to Ian Lubek, adjunct professor of psychology at the University of Guelph in Canada, about 85 per cent of 1,660 Cambodian beer promoters he has surveyed between 2004 and 2012 regularly drink at work.

“Our research shows that beer promoters are consuming on average 1.5 litres of beer per night – that’s six glasses of beer, 27 nights per month,” Lubek says.

Research Lubek conducted in 2002 showed that the average beer promoter made US$55 per month, but had monthly living expenses of about $110.

Women were drinking with customers and offering sexual services as a way of making up the difference – ensuring they could provide for their children or send money to their provincial families.

According to Lubek’s most recent study, conducted this year, the promoters’ average monthly wage has climbed to $75, but expenses have grown even faster, to about $180 per month.

“[Now] they’re averaging a BAC or blood-alcohol content of .05. They’re basically drunk every night,” Lubek says.

“Overuse of alcohol at such a high rate leads to liver disease. Also, women aren’t told not to drink when they’re pregnant.”

Major companies involved in Cambodia’s beer industry including Carlsberg (an owner of Angkor Beer) and Heineken (an owner of Anchor, ABC and Tiger) established Beer Selling Industry Cambodia (BSIC) in 2006.

Included in a code of conduct it released were commitments to increase education for beer promoters, scrap demeaning uniforms, provide contracts and crack down on sexual harassment.

To address drinking, the COC specifies that beer promoters “should not” drink with customers.

According to the BSIC Monitoring Report 2011, authored by Indochina Research, there is a marked difference between the conditions of beer promoters employed by BSIC companies and those working for non-BSIC companies.

The report, based on monthly interviews of beer promoters last year, says 61 per cent from BSIC companies never drank with customers, while 38 per cent sometimes did.

Only 31 per cent of beer promoters from companies not part of BSIC never drank with customers, while 56 per cent sometimes did, the report claims.

Vo Thi Mai Trang, public relations and communications manager for Carlsberg Indochina, says the number of beer promoters drinking in Cambodian workplaces has decreased dramatically since BSIC was formed.

“And this is thanks to [the] BSIC Code of Conduct (COC) as well as the intensive training that we provided to our [beer promoters],” she says, adding that Carlsberg’s beer promoters are the highest paid after two pay increases last year.

John-Paul Schuirink, a spokesman for Heineken International, says promoters who sell his company’s beer are also well paid.

“The current average base salary . . . is $92 per month for a 30-hour working week. A 10 per cent increase was implemented this year. [It] compares favourably to the average income in Cambodia,” he says.

Schuirink says his company recognises the risks associated with beer promotion, which is why it founded BSIC and banned workers from drinking.

“Research shows that the beer promoters working for Attwood [a distributor for the company in Cambodia] have the highest rate of awareness and compliance with this rule,” he says.

Heineken’s priority was preventing alcohol use during working hours by giving training and information about its consequences, Schuirink adds.

“Besides that there is medical assistance available in case of problems,” he said.

Lubek, however, believes the COC has been largely ineffective.

“Statistics don’t show any improvement in the amount of beer drunk in the workplace . . . our research shows that company health education, if any, may come six to 12 months after they begin working . . That’s too late to prevent HIV/AIDS and alcohol dependence.”

One company not affiliated with BSIC, the Phnom Penh Beer Company, says its workers are “not encouraged” to drink.

“We don’t want them to drink because we want them to maintain their dignity . . . It also looks bad for the company if they drink,” a spokesman says.

When asked if the company provides health services for workers battling alcohol addiction, he says, “No, we don’t have any problems like that.”

Kingdom Breweries, also not affiliated with BSIC, says it no longer has beer promoters, but would not elaborate.

Dave Welsh, country director of the American Center for International Labor Solidarity, says beer companies need to do much more to ensure their promoters’ rights are protected.

“There’s a real health issue with unregulated drinking,” Welsh says. “It’s an unhealthy environment to work in, frankly.”

Offering beer promoters a wage that covered their monthly expenses is something beer companies should consider, he says.

“The amount of profits that are flowing back, not just to Angkor or Anchor, but to world-famous breweries like Carlsberg gives them a lot of leverage.”

Carlsberg is, however, taking positive steps toward establishing a memorandum of understanding that could improve conditions for its workers, Welsh adds.

Phol Sophea, deputy director of the Cambodian Food and Service Workers’ Federation (CFSWF), in Siem Reap province, believes some progress is being made to improve conditions for beer promoters, but problems such as drinking remain.

“Many workers have problems with physical health,” Sophea says.

“I ask them to visit the health centre, a service the companies provide free of charge. “But there is no support from the companies if a beer promoter becomes dependent on alcohol.”

CFSWF advises its members to tell customers that drinking on the job will make them sick.

“But some clients just don’t listen,” Sophea says. “So if the women don’t sit and drink beer with clients, they won’t sell their products and they won’t have any tips.

“The clients are kings to them, because they have money.”

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To contact the reporters on this story: Shane Worrell at shane.worrell@phonmpenhpost.com
Mom Kunthear at kunthear.mom@phnompenhpost.com

Exam cheating rampant: report in Cambodia

 

A recent study showed that about 55 per cent of students used their mobile phones to cheat in high-school exams. Photograph: Will Baxter/Phnom Penh Post

Wednesday, 22 August 2012

Chhay Channyda

 

National High School Exam candidates each spent an average of 120,000 riel – about US$30 – on bribes over this year’s two-day testing period to secure exam answers, according to independent research released yesterday.

Social researcher Kem Ley’s report Turning a Blind Eye purported that 92 per cent of students were involved in bribery or cheating during the exam, which is conducted under the supervision of high- school proctors, teachers and police officials.

“We also see that 55 per cent of answers were copied from their hand phone after the answer was made and sent around by email,” Ley said, noting social media site Facebook had emerged as a popular means to cheat during this year’s exams, which took place on August 6 and 7.

“However, while this is a self-formed habit to bribe the [exam supervisors], this year there was a bit of improvement compared to last year,” he said, pointing to more diligent monitoring of exam rooms by police officials as stemming the amount of exam answer cheat sheets physically used by students.

The 40-page research findings from interviews with 157 students will be sent to the Ministry of Education and government development partners UNESCO and UNICEF next week, Ley told the Post, in a bid to put pressure on the government to reform the education system.

For Ley, the solution lies in improving the quality and ethics of teachers and exam invigilators through appropriate remuneration or up to $150 per day during the exam period.

Rong Chhun, president of the Cambodian Independent Teacher Association, agreed that exam irregularities greatly diminished the quality of the education system in Cambodia.

“It isn’t a new thing. Although it was quieter around exam rooms this year, that is because they are copying via email and Facebook,” Chhun said.

He added that if the government did not deal with the quality of education in Cambodia, it could not produce a competitive labour force for the 2015 ASEAN integration.

Sam Sereyrath, general director at the Ministry of Education, said the research was a somewhat “small sample”, so it was incapable of evaluating the whole high-school exam.

“The result would have been much more positive if he had interviewed more,” he said.

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To contact the reporter on this story: Chhay Channyda at channyda.chhay@phnompenhpost.com

 

អំពើ​ពុករលួយ​នៅ​តែ​កើត​មាន​ខ្លាំង​ក្លា​ក្នុង​ពេល​ប្រឡង​បាក់​ឌុប​ឆ្នាំ​នេះ

Wednesday, 22 August 2012

ឆាយ ច័ន្ទនីដា

ភ្នំពេញៈ អំពើ​ពុករលួយ​សូក​លុយ​គ្រូ​ ដើម្បី​បាន​បើក​ចម្លង​ចម្លើយ​វិញ្ញាសារ​ដោយ​សេរី នៅ​តែ​កើត​មាន​ខ្លាំងក្លា នៅ​ក្នុង​មណ្ឌល​ប្រឡង​ មធ្យម​សិក្សា​ទុតិយភូមិ បាក់​ឌុប​ ដែល​បាន​ក្លាយ​ជា​«ទម្លាប់»​ រវាង​សិស្ស និង​គ្រូ​អនុរក្ស​តាម​បន្ទប់​ប្រឡង ​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​អ្នក​វិភាគ​គិត​ថា បើ​គ្មាន​កំណែ​​ទម្រង់​វិស័យ​អប់រំ​ឲ្យ​ទាន់​ពេលវេលា​ទេ​ នោះ​សមត្ថភាព​យុវជន​កម្ពុជា នឹង​មាន​ការ​ប្រឈម​ខ្លាំង​ នៅ​ក្នុង​សមាហរណកម្ម​អាស៊ាន​ឆ្នាំ​ ២០១៥ ខាង​មុខ។
របាយការណ៍​ឯករាជ្យ​ មួយ បាន​រក​ឃើញ​ថា​ ក្រុម​យុវជន​ ជា​សិស្សា​នុសិស្ស​ ប្រឡង​បញ្ចប់​ថ្នាក់​ទី​ ១២​ ប្រព្រឹត្ត​ទៅ​កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី ៦-៧-៨ ខែ​សីហា​នេះ ដែល​មាន​ចំនួន​សិស្ស​ ១១៤ ៤១៤​ នាក់  ក្នុង​នោះ​មាន​ ៩២ ភាគរយ បាន​នាំ​គ្នា​រៃលុយ​គ្នា​ ក្នុង​បន្ទប់​ប្រឡង ឲ្យ​គ្រូ​អនុរក្ស ​ដោយ​គ្មាន​ការ​ជំរិត​នោះ​ឡើយ​ ហើយ​គ្រូ​ក៏​ទទួល​យក​ដែរ​ ដោយ​ធ្វើ​ជា​មិន​ដឹង​មិន​ឮ​ បើក​ដៃ​ឲ្យ​សិស្សច​ម្លង​គ្នា​ដោយ​សេរី​។

ការ​សិក្សា​ ដែល​ធ្វើ​ដោយ​ក្រុម​លោក កែម ឡី ជា​អ្នក​ពិគ្រោះ​យោបល់​ និង​ស្រាវ​ជ្រាវ​ឯករាជ្យ​ផ្នែក​សង្គម ចេញ​ផ្សាយ​កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ចន្ទ ក្រោម​ចំណង​ជើង​ថា «មិន​គួរ​ធ្វើ​មិន​ដឹង» បាន​សម្ភាស​សិស្ស​ប្រឡង​ថ្នាក់​ទី ១២ ចំនួន​ ១៥៧ នាក់ ព្រម​ទាំង​មាតា ​បិតា​សិស្ស និង​គ្រូ​អនុរក្ស​ ប្រមាណ ៥០ នាក់​ផ្សេង​ទៀត ដោយ​រក​ឃើញ​ថា​៖ «ជា​មធ្យម​ បេក្ខជន​ប្រឡង​ ត្រូវ​ចំណាយ​ ១២ ម៉ឺន​រៀល ទៅ​ឲ្យ​គ្រូ​អនុរក្ស​ ក្នុង​រយៈ​ពេល​ប្រឡង​ពីរ​ថ្ងៃ​កន្លះ​។ ៧៧.៧ ភាគ​រយ រាយការណ៍​ថា ពួក​គេ​អាច​ចម្លង​ចម្លើយ​ពី​គ្នា​ទៅ​វិញ​ទៅ​មក»។ ការ​សិក្សា​ស្រាវជ្រាវ​នេះ បាន​រក​ឃើញ​មូល​ហេតុ​ ដែល​នាំ​ឲ្យ​សិស្ស​ប្រមូល​លុយ​ជូន​អនុរក្ស គឺ​ដើម្បី​ឲ្យ​គ្រូ​ផ្តល់​ឱកាស​ ឲ្យ​ពួក​គេ​បាន​ចម្លង​គ្នាគឺ​មាន​ប្រមាណ​៥៤​ភាគ​រយ​។

​លោក កែម ឡី បាន​ប្រាប់​ភ្នំពេញ ​ប៉ុស្តិ៍​ថា ជា​ទូទៅ​ស្ថានការណ៍​ប្រឡង​បាក់​ឌុប​ឆ្នាំ​នេះ មាន​ភាព​ប្រសើរ​ជាង​ឆ្នាំ​មុន​ដោយ​មាន​កម្លាំង​សមត្ថកិច្ច​ យាម​កាម​តឹង​តែង និង​មិន​មាន​ការ​បោះ​ឯកសារ​ចម្លើយ ចូល​បន្ទប់​ប្រឡង​រញ៉េ​រញ៉ៃ ដូច​ឆ្នាំ​មុនៗ​ឡើយ។
ទោះ​យ៉ាង​ណា ​លោក​ថា ​អ្វី​ដែល​កត់​សម្គាល់​ខ្លាំង​ គឺ​សិស្ស​បាន​នាំ​គ្នា​យក​ទូរស័ព្ទ​ស៊េរី​ទំនើប​ ចូល​បន្ទប់​ប្រឡង ដើម្បី​ទាក់ទង​តាម​សារអេឡិច​ត្រូនិក ឬប្រព័ន្ធ​បណ្តាញ​សង្គម​ ហ្វ៊េស​ប៊ុក​ ឲ្យ​អ្នក​នៅ​ខាង​ក្រៅ​ សរសេរ​ចម្លើយ​ឲ្យ​ហើយ​ផ្ញើ​មក​វិញ។

 លោក​ថ្លែង​ថា ៖ «ភាគ​ច្រើន​ ៥៥ ភាគ​រយ បាន​ឆ្លើយ​ថា គាត់​ចម្លង​(ចម្លើយ)​ចេញ​ចូល​តាម​ទូរស័ព្ទ​ដៃ​។ គាត់​ថា ​ភាគ​ច្រើន​គេ​ថត​វិញ្ញាសា ធ្វើ​តាម​អ៊ីមែល​ បញ្ចូន​ឲ្យ​គេ​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​ ហើយ​ផ្ញើ​តាម​អ៊ីមែល​មក​វិញ​។ ទោះ​គ្រាន់​បើ​ជាង​មុន ប៉ុន្តែ​ចំណុច​ខ្លះ​ ក្លាយ​ជា​ប្រពៃណី និង​ទម្លាប់​ទៅ​ហើយ គឺ​ពេល​ប្រឡង​ ត្រូវ​តែ​ប្រមូល​លុយ​ឲ្យ​គ្រូ ទោះ​គ្រូ​មិន​បាន​បង្គាប់​ក៏​ដោយ​»។

នា ​សប្តាហ៍​ក្រោយ​នេះ ឯកសារ​លម្អិត​ ប្រមាណ​ពី​ ៣០​ ទៅ ​៤០ ទំព័រ​នឹង​ត្រូវ​បញ្ជូន​ទៅ​កាន់​ក្រសួង​អប់រំ​យុវជន​និង​កីឡា និង​អង្គការ​ដៃ​គូ​ជាតិ​ អន្តរជាតិ ជា​ពិសេស​អង្គការ​យូនី​សែហ្វ និង​យូណេស្កូ ដែល​ធ្វើ​ការ​ពាក់ព័ន្ធ​នឹង​ការ​លើក​ស្ទួយ​គុណ​ភាព​អប់រំ​ ដើម្បី​ឲ្យ​ភាគី​ទាំង​នោះ​ យក​ទៅ​ពិចារណា និង​ធ្វើ​ការ​«ដាក់​សម្ពាធ​ដល់​រដ្ឋាភិបាល ​ឲ្យ​មាន​ការ​ផ្លាស់​ប្តូរ»។
លោក កែម ឡី បាន​ផ្តល់​អនុសាសន៍ ដល់​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​ឲ្យ​បង្កើន​ប្រាក់​ឧបត្ថម្ភ សម្រាប់​គ្រូ អនុ​រក្សឲ្យ​បាន​ពី ១០០ ទៅ​ ១៥០ ​ដុល្លារ​ សម្រាប់​គ្រូ​ម្នាក់ ក្នុង​រយៈ​ពេល​ប្រឡង ២ ថ្ងៃ​កន្លះ ដែល​សព្វ​ថ្ងៃ គ្រូ​ទាំង​នោះ ទទួល​បាន​ប្រមាណ​ពី ៥០ ទៅ ​៧៥ ដុល្លារ​ប៉ុណ្ណោះ ហើយ​ត្រូវ​ធ្វើ​កិច្ច​សន្យា​ជាមួយ​គ្រូ​ទាំង​នោះ​ ទើប​គ្រូ​មិន​អាច​ហ៊ាន​ទទួល​សំណូក​ពី​សិស្ស។ លើស​ពី​នេះ​ ត្រូវ​ជំរុញ​ឲ្យ​សិស្ស​ខិតខំ​បង្កើន​សមត្ថភាព​ខ្លួន​ឯង​ ដើម្បី​គុណភាព​អប់រំ​នៅ​កម្ពុជា។
របាយការណ៍​នេះ ត្រូវ​បាន​ស្វាគមន៍ ដោយ​លោក រ៉ុង ឈុន ប្រធាន​សមាគម​គ្រូ​បង្រៀន​កម្ពុជា​ឯករាជ្យ ដែល​ក៏​បាន​រក​ឃើញ​ពី​ភាព​មិន​ប្រក្រតី​ជាច្រើន​ ក្នុង​ការ​ប្រឡង​នេះ​ផង​ដែរ​។ លោក​ថ្លែង​ថា៖ «នេះ​មិន​មែន​ជា​រឿង​ថ្មី​ទេ ទិដ្ឋភាព​ឆ្នាំ​នេះ មាន​ភាព​ស្ងប់ស្ងាត់​តែ​នៅ​ខាង​ក្រៅ​ តែ​ខាង​ក្នុង​មាន​ភាព​អាក្រក់​ជាង​ឆ្នាំ​មុន​ខ្លាំង​ណាស់​ ព្រោះ​គេ​ធ្វើ​តាម​ប្រព័ន្ធ​អេឡិចត្រូនិក មាន​ទូរស័ព្ទ​ដៃ​ថត​ដាក់​ហ្វេស​ប៊ុក។ មាន​មណ្ឌល​ខ្លះ ធ្វើ​វិញ្ញាសា​លក់​ឲ្យ​បេក្ខជន​ទៀត​ផង​»​។ លោក​បន្ត​ថា បើ​រដ្ឋាភិបាល មិន​គិត​គូរ​ពី​គុណភាព​អប់រំ​ ឲ្យ​បាន​ឆាប់​ទេ​នោះ គុណភាព​អប់រំ​នៅ​កម្ពុជា នឹង​មិន​មាន​អ្វី​ប្រកួត​ប្រជែង ពេល​ដែល​កម្ពុជា ធ្វើ​សមាហរណកម្ម ចូល​ទៅ​ក្នុង​សហគមន៍​អាស៊ាន​ឆ្នាំ​ ២០១៥​នោះ​ទេ​។ សមាគម​គ្រូ​បង្រៀន​ ក៏ត្រៀម​ចេញ​នូវ​របាយការណ៍​ នៃ​ភាព​មិន​ប្រក្រតី ក្នុង​ការ​ប្រឡង​មធ្យម​សិក្សា​ទុតិយភូមិ​ក្រោយ​ពី​ការ​ប្រកាស​លទ្ធផល​នៃ ការ​ប្រឡង​នៅ​ចុង​ខែ​នេះ​។

លោក សំ សេរីរតន៍ អគ្គ​នាយក​អប់រំ នៃ​ក្រសួង​អប់រំ​ យុវជន​និង​កីឡា ថ្លែង​ថា លោក​បាន​ពិនិត្យ​មើល​ឃើញ​ថា ការ​ស្រាវ​ជ្រាវ​មួយ​នេះ ​នៅ​មាន​ទំហំ​តូច​ និង​មិន​អាច​វាយ​តម្លៃ​បាន​នូវ​ស្ថានការណ៍ នៃ​ការ​ប្រឡង​បាក់ឌុប​ទាំង​មូល​នោះ​បាន​ឡើយ។ លោក​និយាយ​ថា៖ «​នេះ​ជា​របាយ​ការណ៍​ល្អ។ គាត់​បាន​វាយ​តម្លៃ​ថា​ មាន​ភាព​យុត្តិធម៌​ ៦០ ភាគរយ​ តែ​គាត់​ធ្វើ​តែ​ជាង ​១០០ នាក់​ មិន​តំណាង​ឲ្យ​ទាំង​អស់​ជាង ១១ ម៉ឺន​នាក់​នោះ​ទេ បើ​គាត់​ធ្វើ​ច្រើន(សម្ភាស) ច្រើន​ជាង​នេះ​លទ្ធផល​អាច​ប្រសើរ​ច្រើន​»។ លោក​បន្ត​ថា៖​«​ភាព​អាក្រក់​(ក្នុង​ការ​ស្រាវជ្រាវ​)នេះ​ មិន​ធ្ងន់ធ្ងរ​ទេ ព្រោះ​ក្រសួង​បាន​កែប្រែ​ច្រើន​ហើយ តែ​ការ​សិក្សា​នេះ អាច​ជួយ​មួយ​ចំណែក​ដែរ ដល់​វិស័យ​អប់រំ​យើង»៕

For more information, please check his official report at https://docs.google.com/file/d/1RNxFa10KMN0ASDukye7lp2CLHTLLmk7-I_BL1aLBtdPYva9WfmDA5uXLHpEK/edit

Facebook Inc នឹង​ប្រឈម​សម្ពាធ​កាន់​តែ​ខ្លាំង​ថែម​ទៀត

Tuesday, 21 August 2012

Bloomberg

 

 ក្រុង​មេនឡូផាកៈ ភាគ​ហ៊ុន​របស់​ក្រុម​ហ៊ុន Facebook Inc ដែល​បាន​ធ្លាក់​ចុះ​ដល់​តម្លៃ​ទាប​បំផុត​ បន្ទាប់​ពីអ្នក​ខាង​ក្នុង​ក្រុមហ៊ុន (insider) អាច​លក់​ភាគហ៊ុន​ជា​លើក​ទីមួយ ចាប់​ពី​ការ​បោះ​ផ្សាយ​ IPO ​មក​នោះ នឹង​ត្រូវ​ប្រឈម​នឹង​សម្ពាធ​កាន់​តែ​ខ្លាំង​ថែម​ទៀត នៅ​ពេល​ភាគ​ហ៊ុន​ចំនួន ១,៤៤​ពាន់​លាន​ហ៊ុន​ផ្សេង​ទៀត ត្រូវ​បាន​លក់​ចេញ​រហូត​ដល់​ខែ​វិច្ឆិកា។
កាល ​ពី​សប្តាហ៍​មុន ក្រុម​ហ៊ុន​ Facebook  បាន​លក់​ចេញ​ភាគហ៊ុន​ចំនួន ២៧១,១​លាន​ហ៊ុន ដែល​ជា​ការ​លក់​ចេញ​លើក​ដំបូង​ក្នុង​ចំណោម​ការ​រឹត​បន្តឹង​ការ​លក់​ចេញ​ ចំនួន ៥ ដែល​ត្រូវ​ធ្វើ​ក្នុង​អំឡុង​ឆ្នាំ​ទីមួយ​ក្នុង​នាម​ជា​ក្រុមហ៊ុន​សាធារណៈ។

ខណៈ ​លោក Mark Zuckerberg អគ្គនាយក​ក្រុម​ហ៊ុន Facebook  កំពុង​ប្រតិបត្តិការ​សេវា​បណ្តាញ​សង្គម​មួយ​នោះ ​លោក កំពុង​ប្រឈម​នឹង​ក្តី​បារម្ភ​របស់​ក្រុម​វិនិយោគិន​ថា​តើ​ក្រុម​ហ៊ុន​នេះ អាច​រក​ប្រាក់​ចំណូល​បន្ថែម​ដោយ​របៀប​ណាពី​មូលដ្ឋាន​កំណើន​អ្នក​ប្រើ​ប្រាស់ ​សេវា​សង្គម​នេះ​។ ក្តី​បារម្ភ​នោះ រួម​ទាំង​ការ​បញ្ចប់​រយៈ​ពេល​បម្រាម​លក់ភាគ​ហ៊ុន​ចេញ​ (lock-up) លើក​ទីមួយ បាន​ជំរុញ​ឲ្យ​តម្លៃ​ភាគ​ហ៊ុន​របស់​ក្រុម​ហ៊ុន​នេះ បាន​ធ្លាក់​ចុះពាក់​កណ្តាល​មក​នៅ​ត្រឹម ៣៨​ដុល្លារ​ និង​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​តម្លៃ​ទីផ្សារ​របស់​ក្រុមហ៊ុន​នេះ ធ្លាក់​ចុះ ៤៦​ពាន់​លាន​ដុល្លារ។ ​

លោក Herman Leung អ្នក​វិភាគ​ប្រចាំ​ក្រុម​ហ៊ុន Susquehanna International Group ថ្លែង​ថា​៖​ «​តើ​នេះ​គឺ​ជា​អ្វី​ដែល​គ្មាន​ភាព​អត់ធ្មត់ ឬ​ជា​អ្វី​ដែល​វិនិយោគិន​គួរ​តែ​ព្រួយបារម្ភ​? ត្រូវ​ហើយ តែ​ចំពោះ​ក្រុម​វិនិយោគិន​រយៈ​ពេល​វែង​វិញ ខ្ញុំ​យល់​ថា នេះ​គឺជា​ឱកាស​ដ៏​ល្អ​មួយ​ដើម្បី​ទិញ​ភាគហ៊ុន ដែល​មាន​តម្លៃ​ទាប​បែប​នេះ»៕ BP

រដ្ឋាភិបាល​ភូមា​បាន​សម្រេច​លុបចោល​ការ​ត្រួតពិនិត្យ​លើ​បណ្តាញ​សារព័ត៌មាន

ដោយ គួច គន្ធារ៉ា

នៅ​ប្រទេស​ភូមា រដ្ឋាភិបាល​ភូមា​បាន​សម្រេច​លុបចោល​ការ​ត្រួតពិនិត្យ​លើ​បណ្តាញ​សារព័ត៌មាន។ ចាប់​ពី​ពេល​នេះ​ត​ទៅ គ្រប់​សារព័ត៌មាន និង​ទស្សនាវដ្តី​ទំាង​អស់​មិន​ចំា​បាច់​បញ្ជូន​អត្ថបទ​ទាក់ទង​នឹង​រឿង​ នយោបាយ និង​សាសនា​ទៅ​ឲ្យ​គណៈកម្មាធិការ​ត្រួតពិនិត្យ​ដើម្បី​សុំ​ការ​អនុញ្ញាត​ បោះផ្សាយ​ដូច​មុន​ទៀត​ឡើយ។ តែ​គេ​ត្រូវ​រង់ចំា​មើល​ថា តើ​វិធានាការ​នេះ​នឹង​ត្រូវ​គេ​យក​ទៅ​អនុវត្ត​ឲ្យ​បាន​ត្រឹមត្រូវ​ដែរ ឬ​ទេ។ ថ្មីៗ​នេះ រដ្ឋាភិបាល​បាន​សម្រេច​ព្យួរ​ការ​ផ្សាយ​របស់​ទស្សនាវដ្តី​ប្រចំា​សប្តាហ៍​ ចំនួន​ពីរ។ ឃើញ​ថា នេះ​គឺ​ជា​កាយវិការ​មួយ​ដែល​បាន​បង្ហាញ​ថា រដ្ឋអំណាច​នៅ​មិន​ទាន់​បាន​ត្រៀម​ខ្លួន​ដើម្បី​បញ្ឈប់​ការ​ត្រួតពិនិត្យ​ ទំាង​ស្រុង​លើ​បណ្តាញ​សារព័ត៌មាន​ក្នុង​ស្រុក​ទេ។

តាម​ទ្រឹស្តី គ្មាន​ទៀត​ឡើយ ការ​ត្រួតពិនិត្យ​លើ​បណ្តាញ​សារព័ត៌មាន​នៅ​ក្នុង​ប្រទេស​ភូមា មាន​ន័យ​ថា អ្នក​កាសែត​អាច​ចុះ​ផ្សាយ​គ្រប់​អត្ថបទ​ពាក់ព័ន្ធ​នឹង​រឿង​នយោបាយ និង​សាសនា​ដោយ​មិន​ចំា​បាច់​សុំ​ការ​អនុញ្ញាត​ពី​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​ទេ។ គួរ​ជម្រាប​ជូន​ថា មក​ទល់​ពេល​នេះ មុន​នឹង​បោះផ្សាយ​អត្ថបទ​អ្វី​មួយ ពិសេស​អត្ថបទ​ដែល​ពាក់ព័ន្ធ​នឹង​រឿង​នយោបាយ និង​សាសនា អ្នក​កាសែត​ចំាបាច់​ត្រូវ​តែ​បញ្ជូន​អត្ថបទ​របស់​ខ្លួន​ទៅ​ឲ្យ​ គណៈកម្មាធិការ​ត្រួតពិនិត្យ ជាមុន​សិន។ បន្ទាប់​ពី​គណៈកម្មាធិការ​ត្រួតពិនិត្យ​ធ្វើ​ការ​កែសម្រួល​រួច​ហើយ ទើប​អ្នកកាសែត​អាច​យក​អត្ថបទ​របស់​ខ្លួន​ទៅ​ចុះ​ផ្សាយ​បាន។

ជាមួយ​នឹង​វិធានការ​ថ្មី​នេះ រដ្ឋាភិបាល​ទីក្រុង​ណៃពីដ៏​មិន​បាន​រំលាយ​គណៈកម្មាធិការ​ត្រួតពិនិត្យ​ចោល​ ទេ ក៏​ប៉ុន្តែ គណៈកម្មាធិការ​នេះ​នឹង​លែង​ធ្វើ​ការងារ​ត្រួតពិនិត្យ​លើ​សារព័ត៌មាន​ដូច​មុន ​ទៀត​ឡើយ។ តែ​ទន្ទឹម​គ្នា​នេះ រដ្ឋាភិបាល​បាន​បង្កើត​ចេញ​នូវ​ក្រុមប្រឹក្សា​សារព័ត៌មាន​ភូមា​មួយ។ ក្រុមប្រឹក្សា​នេះ​មាន​តួនាទី​ជា​អ្នក​សិក្សា​លើ​គ្រប់​បញ្ហា​ដែល​ជាប់​ ពាក់ព័ន្ធ​នឹង​សារព័ត៌មាន។

យ៉ាង​ណា​ក៏​ដោយ ក្រុម​អ្នកកាសែត​ភូមា​នៅ​មិន​ទាន់​ហ៊ាន​សម្តែង​ការ​ត្រេកត្រអាល​របស់​ខ្លួន​ នៅ​ឡើយ​ទេ ដោយ​ពួក​គេ​រង់ចំា​មើល​ការ​អនុវត្តន៍​ជាក់ស្តែង​របស់​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​ជាមុន​សិន។ គួរ​រម្លឹក​ជូន​ថា ការ​ពី​ចុង​ខែ​កក្កដា​កន្លង​ទៅ មាន​ទស្សនាវដ្តី​ប្រចំាសប្តាហ៍​ចំនួន​ពីរ​បាន​ត្រូវ​រដ្ឋអំណាច​ផ្អាក​ សកម្មភាព​មួយ​រយៈ បន្ទាប់​ពី​បាន​ចុះ​ផ្សាយ​អត្ថបទ​របស់​ខ្លួន ដោយ​មិន​បាន​បញ្ជូន​អត្ថបទ​ទៅ​ឲ្យ​គណៈកម្មាធិការ​ត្រួតពិនិត្យ​ជាមុន។ តែ​បន្ទាប់​ពី​មាន​ការ​តវ៉ា​ប្រឆំាង​ពី​សំណាក់​ក្រុម​អ្នកកាសែត​មក ទើប​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​អនុញ្ញាត​ឲ្យ​ទស្សនាវដ្តី​ប្រចំាសប្តាហ៍​ទំាង​ពីរ​នោះ​មាន​ ដំណើរការ​ជា​ធម្មតា​ឡើង​វិញ។

ម្យ៉ាង​ទៀត អ្នក​កាសែត​ភាគច្រើន​បាន​យល់​ឃើញ​ថា ក្រុមប្រឹក្សា​សារព័ត៌មាន​ភូមា​ដែល​ទើប​បង្កើត​ឡើង ដោយ​មាន​សមាជិក​តែងតំាង​ដោយ​រដ្ឋាភិបាល និង​ដឹក​នំា​ដោយ​អតីត​ចៅក្រម​នោះ នឹង​គ្មាន​ឯករាជ្យ​ទេ៕

បង្កើត​អាស៊ាន​នៅ​ឆ្នាំ១៩៦៧ ដើម្បី​ជា​ខែល​ទប់ទល់​នឹង​មនោគមវិជ្ជា​កុម្មុយនិស្ត

ដោយ តាន់ ហ្សង់-ហ្វ្រង់ស្វ័រ

 

ថ្ងៃ​នេះ​ហ្សង់-ហ្វ្រង់ស័រ តាន់ បន្ត​លើក​ឡើង​អំពី​ភូមិសាស្រ្ត​នយោបាយ​នៃ​អាស៊ី​អាគ្នេយ៍​ត​ទៅ​ទៀត ដោយ​សូម​ផ្តើម​សិក្សា​ទៅ​លើ​សមាគម​ប្រជាជាតិ​អាស៊ី​អាគ្នេយ៍​ហៅ​កាត់​ថា​ អាស៊ាន។ កាល​ពី​៤៥​ឆ្នាំ​មុន គឺ​នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​១៩៦៧ អាស៊ាន​ត្រូវ​បាន​បង្កើត​ឡើង ដើម្បី​ជា​ខែល​ទប់ទបើ​ងាក​ក្រោយ ពិនិត្យ​មើល​ប្រវត្តិ​៤៥​ឆ្នាំ​របស់​សមាគម​ប្រជាជាតិ​អាស៊ី​អាគ្នេយ៍ ហៅ​កាត់​ថា​អាស៊ាន គេ​នឹង​យល់​ច្បាស់​ភ្លាម​ថា ការ​ចាប់​បដិសន្ធិ​ឡើង​នៃ​អង្គការ​តំបន់​មួយ​នេះ​នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​១៩៦៧ ស្តែង​ឱ្យ​ឃើញ​នូវ​ភាព​ប្រេះឆា​ខ្លាំង​មែនទែន​នៃ​ភូមិភាគ​អាស៊ី​អាគ្នេយ៍​ សម័យ​នោះ។

នៅ​ក្នុង​ទសវត្សរ៍​ទី​៦០ មាន​អធិករណ៍​ស្មុគស្មាញ​ខ្លាំង​ណាស់ រវាង​បណ្តា​ប្រទេស​អាស៊ី​អាគ្នេយ៍​ដែល​ជា​កោះ។ ជាក់​ស្តែង ប្រទេស​ម៉ាឡេស៊ី​មាន​ទំនាស់​ជាមួយ​ប្រទេស​ឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី ជុំ​វិញ​កោះ​បូរណេអូ(Bornéo) ហើយ​នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​១៩៦៣​ដែនដី​ប៉ែក​ខាង​ជើង​នៃ​កោះ​នេះ គឺ​ដែនដី​កាលីម៉ង់តង់(Kalimantan) បាន​ប្រកាស​ផ្តាច់​ខ្លួន​ទៅ​នៅ​ក្រោម​ការ​គ្រប់គ្រង​នៃ​ប្រទេស​ម៉ាឡេស៊ី ជាហេតុ​បាន​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​ប្រទេស​ឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី​ខឹង​ច្រឡោត​តោតតូង​និង​ជាហេតុ​បាន​ ធ្វើ​ឱ្យ​សង្គ្រាម​ហៀប​តែ​នឹង​ផ្ទុះ​ឡើងម្តងៗ រវាង​ប្រទេស​ភាគី​ជម្លោះ​ទាំង​ពីរ​ទៀត​ផង។

ម៉្យាង​វិញ​ទៀត កាល​សម័យ​នោះ ក៏​មាន​ដែរ​ភាព​តានតឹង​រវាង​ម៉ាឡេស៊ី​និង​សិង្ហបុរី ពីព្រោះ​សិង្ហបុរី​ក្រោម​ការ​ដឹក​នាំ​របស់​លី គាន់យូ (Lee Kuan Yew) បាន​សម្រេច​ដើរ​ចេញ​ពី​សហព័ន្ធ​រួម​ម៉ាឡេស៊ី។ ក្រៅ​ពី​នេះ ម៉ាឡេស៊ី​ក៏​មាន​ទំនាស់​ជាមួយ​ហ្វីលីពីន​ដែរ​ជុំវិញ​ដែន​ដី​សាបាហ៍​(Sabah)​ ដែល​ឋិត​នៅ​ប៉ែក​ខាង​ជើង​នៃ​កោះ​បូរណេអូ​ពីព្រោះ​សាបាហ៍​បាន​ប្រកាស​ដាក់​ ខ្លួន​ឱ្យ​​នៅ​ក្រោម​ការ​គ្រប់គ្រង​របស់​ប្រទេស​ម៉ាឡេស៊ី។

ទន្ទឹម​នេះ កាល​សម័យ​នោះ អាស៊ី​អាគ្នេយ៍​ជា​សមរភូមិ​នៃ​សង្គ្រាម​ត្រជាក់ មាន​ន័យ​ថា វា​ជា​ទី​កន្លែង​ដ៏​ក្តៅ​គគុក​ជាង​គេ​បង្អស់​មួយ​នៃ​ជម្លោះ​មនោគមវិជ្ជា រវាង​សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក សហភាព​សូវៀត និង​ចិន​ ជម្លោះ​មនោគមវិជ្ជា​ដែល​ស្តែង​ឡើង​តាម​រយៈ​សង្គ្រាម​នៅ​វៀតណាម។ សង្គ្រាម​​វៀតណាម ដែល​កាល​ណោះ​បាន​ផ្តើម​រីករាល​ដាល​ចូល​ទៅ​ដល់​ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា​និង​ឡាវ ពោល​គឺ​ពាសពេញ​ឥណ្ឌូចិន​តែ​ម្តង។ មិន​តែ​ប៉ុណ្ណោះ ទ័ព​ព្រៃ​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​ក៏​មាន​សកម្មភាព​ខ្លាំង​ក្លា​ណាស់​ដែរ​នៅ​ប្រទេស​ ភូមា ថៃ ​ហ្វីលីពីននិង​ឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី​ ឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី​ជាទី​ដែល​ឧត្តមសេនីយ៍​ស៊ូហារតូ​(Suharto) បាន​វាយ​បង្ក្រាប​ក្នុង​ថ្លុក​ឈាម​ពួក​សកម្មជន​បក្ស​កុម្មុយនិស្ត ជាហេតុ​បាន​បណ្តាល​ឱ្យ​មាន​ស្លាប់​យ៉ាង​តិច​៥០០ ០០០​នាក់។

នៅ​ក្នុង​ស្ថានភាព​មួយ​ដ៏​អាសន្ន​បែប​នេះ បណ្តា​ប្រទេស​អាស៊ី​អាគ្នេយ៍​ដែល​ឋិត​នៅ​ក្រោម​ឥទ្ធិពល​អាមេរិកាំង រួម​មាន​ថៃ ម៉ាឡេស៊ី សិង្ហបុរី ឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី និង​ហ្វីលីពីន ដែល​មាន​ជម្លោះ​ទឹកដី​រវាង​គ្នា​ត្រូវ​ប្រឈមមុខ​នឹង​ដំណោះស្រាយ​បញ្ហា​ពីរ៖ ទី​មួយ គឺ​ត្រូវ​ធ្វើ​យ៉ាងណា​កុំ​ឱ្យ​សង្គ្រាម​កើត​ឡើង​រវាង​ពួក​គេ​ រី​ឯ​ទី​ពីរ​គឺ​ត្រូវ​ពឹងពាក់​សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក​ដើម្បី​ខ្ទប់​កុំ​ឥទ្ធិពល​ កុម្មុយនិស្ត​រីក​ធំធាត់​នៅ​ក្នុង​ប្រទេស​ពួក​គេ​បាន។ អ៊ីចឹង​ហើយ​បាន​ជា​បណ្តា​ប្រទេស​សម្ព័ន្ធមិត្ត​ទាំង​៥​របស់​អាមេរិក​នៅ​ អាស៊ី​អាគ្នេយ៍ គឺ​ថៃ ម៉ាឡេស៊ី សិង្ហបុរី​ ឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី និង​ហ្វីលីពីន​បាន​សម្រេចចិត្ត​បង្កើត​អាស៊ាន​ឡើង​នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​១៩៦៧។

មែន​ទែន​ទៅ នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​១៩៦៧នោះ ការ​ទប់ទល់​នឹង​មនោគមវិជ្ជា​កុម្មុយនិស្ត មិនមែន​ជា​គោលដៅ​ផ្លូវការ​ដែល​ចែង​នៅ​ក្នុង​សេចក្តី​ថ្លែងការណ៍​រួម​របស់​ ប្រទេស​ស្ថានិក​អាស៊ាន​ទាំង​៥​ទេ។ គោលដៅ​ជា​ផ្លូវការ​ដែល​បាន​ចែង គឺ​បង្កើន​សហប្រតិបត្តិការ​សេដ្ឋកិច្ច​សង្គមកិច្ច​និង​វប្បធម៌​រវាង​បណ្តា​ ប្រទេស​សមាជិក​និង «បង្កើត​តំបន់​សន្តិភាព​មួយ​ដែល​មាន​មូលដ្ឋាន​នៅ​លើ​សេរីភាព​និង​ អព្យាក្រិតភាព»។

ទោះ​ជា​យ៉ាង​ណា​ក៏​ដោយ គេ​ត្រូវ​រង់​ចាំ​រហូត​ដល់​ឆ្នាំ​១៩៧៦ ទើប​ឃើញ​បណ្តា​ប្រទេស​សមាជិក​អាស៊ាន​ប្រញាប់​រួសរាន់​ផ្តល់​សន្ទុះ​ថ្មី​ដល់ ​អង្គការ​តំបន់​មួយ​នេះ។ ជាក់ស្តែង នា​ឱកាស​ជំនួប​កំពូល​អាស៊ាន​នៅ​បាលី​(Bali)​ឆ្នាំ​១៩៧៦ ប្រទេស​ថៃ ម៉ាឡេស៊ី សិង្ហបុរី ហ្វីលីពីន និង​ឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី​បាន​ចុះ​ហត្ថលេខា​លើ​សន្ធិសញ្ញា​មិត្តភាព​និង​ សហប្រតិបត្តិការ​មួយ ដើម្បី​ពង្រឹង​សាមគ្គីភាព​រវាង​គ្នា នៅ​ចំពោះ​មុខ​ការ​គំរាមកំហែង​នៃ​បណ្តា​ប្រទេស​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​នៅ​ឥណ្ឌូចិន។ នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​១៩៧៦​ដដែល​នោះ អគ្គលេខាធិការដ្ឋាន​អចិន្ត្រៃយ៍​មួយ​របស់​អាស៊ាន​ត្រូវ​បាន​បង្កើត​ឡើង​នៅ​ យ៉ារការតា(Jakarta)​ប្រទេស​ឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី។

មាន​មូលហេតុ​មួយ​សំខាន់​ដែល​បាន​ជំរុញ​ឱ្យ​ប្រទេស​ស្ថាបនិក​ទាំង​ប្រាំ​ ផ្តល់​សន្ទុះ​ថ្មី​ដល់​អង្គការ​អាស៊ាន នោះ​គឺ​នៅ​ខែ​មេសា​ឆ្នាំ​១៩៧៥ កងទ័ព​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​វៀតណាម​ខាង​ជើង​បាន​ចូល​កាន់កាប់​ទីក្រុង​សៃហ្កុង​ (Saigon) កង​យោធា​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​ខ្មែរ​ក្រហម​បាន​ចូល​កាន់​កាប់​ទីក្រុងភ្នំពេញ និង​ចលនា​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​ប៉ាថេតឡាវ(Pathet Lao)​បាន​ឈ្នះ​សង្គ្រាម នៅ​ប្រទេស​ឡាវ។

បន្ទាប់​មក​ទៀត​នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​១៩៧៩ អាស៊ាន​បាន​ប្រកាន់​ជំហរ​នយោបាយ​ច្បាស់​ជាង​មុន ក្រោយ​ពី​ប្រទេស​វៀតណាម​គាំទ្រ​ដោយ​សហភាព​សូវៀត បាន​ចូល​ឈ្លាន​ពាន​ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា ផ្តួល​រំលំ​របប​ខ្មែរ​ក្រហម​ដែល​រណប​ចិន​កុម្មុយនិស្ត។ ជំហរ​នយោបាយ​របស់​អាស៊ាន​កាល​ណោះ គឺ​ឋិត​នៅ​ខាង​សហរដ្ឋ​អាមេរិក និង​នៅ​ខាង​ចិន​ដែល​បាន​ជួយ​គាំទ្រ​ខ្មែរ​ក្រហម​ក្នុង​សង្គ្រាម​ប្រឆាំង​នឹង ​របប​ហេង សំរិន​នៅ​កម្ពុជា​ដែល​ទ្រទ្រង់​ដោយ​វៀតណាម និង​សហភាព​សូវៀត។ គឺ​នៅ​ក្នុង​បរិបទ​នេះ​ហើយ ដែល​ប្រទេស​ថៃ​បាន​បើក​ដៃ​ឱ្យ​ខ្មែរ​ក្រហម​ប្រើប្រាស់​ទឹកដី​របស់​គេ​ទុក​ ធ្វើ​ជា​សមរភូមិ​ក្រោយ។ ទន្ទឹម​នេះ អាស៊ាន​បាន​ធ្វើ​ការ​គាប​សង្កត់​តាម​ផ្លូវ​ទូត​ដើម្បី​បង្ខំ​ឱ្យ​វៀតណាម​ដក​ ទ័ព​ចេញ​ពី​កម្ពុជា ។ គឺ​នៅ​ក្នុង​បរិបទ​នៃ​អ្វី​ដែល​គេ​ហៅ​ថា សង្គ្រាម​ឥណ្ឌូចិន​លើក​ទី​៣​នេះ​ហើយ ដែល​អាស៊ាន​បាន​ទទួល​ប្រទេស​ព្រុយណេ​ឱ្យ​ចូល​ជា​សមាជិក​នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​១៩៨៤៕ ល់​នឹង​មនោគមវិជ្ជា​កុម្មុយនិស្ត។

Degrees ‘not worth the paper they're written on’ in Myanma

Myint Oo19 August 2012 Issue No:235

 

Employment prospects for university graduates in Burma are unpredictable. The subject they studied at university often does not match workforce skills requirements. A physics graduate does not become a physicist. He may work as a taxi-driver.

A maths graduate will not be a mathematician, but may become a trishaw peddler. A history graduate may become a security guard. Many other graduates end up working in non-professional positions like brokers or even doing odd jobs.

In neighbouring countries, Burma’s male graduates generally end up as manual labourers, and women graduates become babysitters or housemaids. Graduates do not have the skills suitable for working in the areas in which they majored at university.

The government has failed to create new jobs, leaving tens of thousands of graduates waiting for years to fill vacant positions in the public sector. More than 6,000 medical graduates are now unemployed in a country with a population of 60 million. The International Monetary Fund estimates Burma’s unemployment rate to be 5.5%, compared to 0.7% in Thailand.

Degree ‘not worth the paper it’s written on’

There is no private university in Burma. Nearly 170 public universities are run by 13 ministries and each minister has his own idea of how to do it. There is no independent university council.

Curricula and learning materials are out of date and are not relevant. Graduates lack the necessary skills to tackle the country’s immediate needs or the long-term social, political and economic problems that have devastated Burma for generations.

If you ask a student “What will you do when you graduate?” you will get answers like, “I will attend an English class” or “I will learn Chinese or a foreign language to get a job” or, more frequently, “I will attend a computer course”. Shockingly, some will say: “I will try to get another degree so I have more letters after my name.”

No matter what the answer is, it is likely that university graduates will not find a skilled job. The country’s educated people scoff at their own degree certificates, often saying they are "not worth the paper they’re written on".

For years, about 25% of Burma’s budget went to the armed forces, compared with 1.3% spent on education.

Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, in her speech at the World Economic Forum, called for investments that create new jobs to avoid youth unemployment. At Oxford University she said the education system was “desperately weak” and that “reform is needed, not just of schools and the curriculum, and the training of teachers, but also of our attitude to education, which at present is too narrow and rigid”.

Exam-focused attitude

The common attitude of students, teachers and parents is to focus on passing examinations and earning one or more degrees – not on being a scholar. They encourage a culture of rote learning, with little emphasis on understanding information or being able to apply it.

Behavioural, interpersonal and communication skills are not taught at universities. If a student can learn the answers word for word and repeat them correctly in an exam, then s/he is awarded the highest score or credited with a ‘D’ for distinction. Exam ‘spots’ (two or three sets of possible questions and answers prepared by teachers) are best-sellers during exam season.

This exam-focused system discourages students’ development of analytical thinking and technical skills. Good exam results can be obtained with money and influence. Corruption, favoritism and cheating are common. State-accredited education has lost credibility.

‘Tuition’ culture

University admissions are based on matriculation scores. The highest scorers will go to universities of medicine or technology. To pass an exam, to get higher scores or to obtain Ds, parents send their children to ‘tuition’ classes, where students learn the same curriculum that is taught at school.

Students used to take ‘tuition’ to get favour from their formal (government school) teacher or from an external teacher who runs a paid class; teachers give ‘tuition’ to earn money or to augment their low salaries. ‘Tuition’ is a way of making it easier for students to learn.

From kindergarten to PhD level, ‘tuitions’ are analogous to formal classes. Well-known ‘tuition’ teachers run tutorial-style classes with extra attention paid to individual students (particularly using edutainment programmes), while many distribute notes of lectures to a larger group of students. ‘Tutors’ prepare easy-to-learn short notes (usually with mnemonics) and exam ‘spots’, which are rehearsed by students before entering the final exam.

A ‘tuition’ teacher does not need a degree in education, or to master the art of pedagogy. Any graduate can be a tutor at a self-funded ‘tuition’ class. There are also ‘boarders’, or boarding schools, where a group of pre-university students are boarded in a dormitory after signing a contract with tutors who promise to get them to pass the matriculation exam.

Each student spends 200,000 to 400,000 Kyats (US$200 to US$400) a month – government schools cost less than US$5 a month. There are also job-related ‘tuitions’ for public sector jobs. Recently, many medical doctors have been taking ‘tuition’ for the job selection exam, which paves the way for occupying one of the 1,500 vacant positions at public hospitals.

Students with a strong desire to pass exams with flying colours hire a study ‘guide’ in addition to taking ‘tuitions’. The ‘guide’ is a former student who drills the student through repetitive readings. A ‘guide’ and a student read together on a topic until it is learned off by heart.

Students are under pressure to get results through formal study at school, spoon-fed learning at ‘tuitions’ and parrot-learning with a ‘guide’.

This pressure was increased when Burma’s universities were broken up and moved to the outskirts of cities to prevent students from uniting against the military dictatorship. Campus lives have deteriorated, buildings are unkempt and university grounds full of grazing cows and stray dogs. Students spend an extra two hours a day just getting to campus.

Attitudes must change

Rangoon University was founded in 1878, and it became one of the top universities in Asia during the 1950s. Graduates from its medical college were recognised by the General Medical Council in the UK before 1974.

Under military rule, the tertiary education system went backwards and Burma’s universities are not included in world rankings of universities due to lack of research and library facilities, an imbalance between students and faculty, and assessment based on the final exam.

The Ranking Web of World Universities (Webometrics July 2012) ranked Rangoon’s University of Computer Studies at 12,109; the University of Medicine (1) in Yangon at 15,930; the University of Medicine in Magway at 19,228; and the University of Medicine in Mandalay at 19,606.

Hardly any Burmese universities have their own websites, and no student has a university email account.

To regain the past prestige and glory of our universities, we need to change our attitude to education. Burma’s universities should introduce a skills-based curriculum and affiliate with international universities.

My aspiration is that one of the world-ranking universities (or the Institute of International Education) might build a model university in Burma to coincide with the suspension of European Union and United States sanctions and with the Burmese government’s call for international investment.

* Dr Myint Oo is adjunct assistant professor at Tufts University School of Medicine in the United States.
 

Spike in research publications, despite cuts

Business Recorder19 August 2012 Issue No:235

 

Pakistan's universities have witnessed phenomenal growth in research publications, which increased by 87% from 2002-11 despite a 40% cut in Higher Education Commission (HEC) development funds in the past three years, writes Waqar Lillah for Business Recorder.

Information collected from the HEC last Thursday revealed that Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad had secured first position with 717 research publications, the University of Agriculture Faisalabad was second with 524 publications and Agha Khan University Karachi was third with 521 publications. The number of publications increased from 800 to 6,000 in the same period. However, research publication were 5,000 in 2010.

As a result of the increase in research publications, Pakistan's contribution to the research sector of the world has increased by 300% in the past five years. In Pakistan 90% of the research publications come from higher education institutions.
Full report on the Business Recorder site

Student groups have vital role to play in universities and society

Serhiy Kvit19 August 2012 Issue No:235

 

To have a complete view of the higher education system in Ukraine, an account of student movements is essential. Ukraine has a large number of youth organisations that draw attention to problems in higher education.

The website of the Ministry of Education and Science lists 88 organisations, but they represent only a small proportion of the real number. Among them are professional, trade union, scout and political groups, as well as various student-led organisations.

Their main feature is that they were established by young people – or launched by those who ‘work with youth’. Therefore, the agenda of these organisations is often formed either by independent volunteers or directly by the government.

What is the ‘voice of universities’?

Active Ukrainian students do not totally understand the different constituencies that universities represent. On 21 July, at the All-Ukrainian Student Forum of Regional Coordinators, I answered this question in the following way: first, universities represent the research body; second, they represent expert knowledge; third, they are official institutions with their own established positions; and finally, they represent student voices.

In some cases, representatives of student movements can participate in the expert knowledge process. They did so when the draft law on higher education was being elaborated.

In a previous blog, I mentioned the report Inclusion of the Ukrainian System of Higher Education in the European Higher Education and Research Area, in which the Ukrainian Association of Students’ Self-Administration was featured.

Ukrainian universities normally dare not speak as public experts on issues that are of interest to the whole society. It is a popular misconception in Ukrainian society that universities have their own expert opinion. It is the state government that speaks for them.

That is why the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy and Kyiv Polytechnic Institute were the only higher education institutions participating in the struggle for the new progressive draft law on higher education.

Only a handful of universities protested against the draft law on fundamentals of language policy in Ukraine, which is now being actively promoted in parliament by forces that favour the ruling party. The legislation is aimed at furthering the ‘Russification’ policy, which started in Ukraine more than 300 years ago.

Among the protesting universities were the Ukrainian Catholic University, the Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, and the Ostrih Academy. Nevertheless, only the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy is currently working on a deep analysis of the draft law.

Student action should target universities

When higher education institutions are passive, students’ voices sometimes become the voice of Ukrainian universities. Student movements should not just focus on external social transformation. Ukraine’s universities need drastic change themselves. Therefore, student activity should target universities more.

Firstly, they need to focus on democratising the administrative processes, introducing university autonomy and establishing high-quality Ukrainian universities.

The Centre for Society Research says the Ukrainian student movement is the most successful in Europe. In 2011, it documented student participation in 121 public protests in Ukraine. Most of these protests were part of the Campaign against the Degradation of Higher Education, and were aimed at preventing the enactment of the new draft law on higher education initiated by the Ministry of Education and Science in 2010.

The campaign was initiated by the independent student trade union Priama Diya (Direct Action), the public movement Vidsich (Rebuff) and the Foundation of Regional Initiatives.

It is worth mentioning that other youth groups, as well as higher education and school students, their parents and teachers, participated in the actions held in Kyiv and different regions of Ukraine. Among other organisations, the authors of the research mentioned the All-Ukrainian Union Svoboda (Freedom), Opir (Resistance) and the Democratic Alliance.

In 2011-12 the Ukrainian student movement was victorious. In particular, the authoritarian draft law on higher education was stopped, a new working team was organised and the text of the new progressive draft law was elaborated and passed by the Ukrainian government on 25 July.

Students also managed to get most of their social and economic demands met, either by public bodies or by university administrators.

Although the achievements of the student movement are quite considerable, the authors of the research conclude that it is still far from being as strong as European student movements are. European students are better at communicating with other protest groups, their actions are much more radical, and their protest actions engage many more participants.

The victories of Ukrainian students are due to the fragility of the government rather than the strength of a well-organised movement.

The student movement and universities

What keeps a student movement from developing?

At first sight, the cause is obvious: the student movement in general demonstrates a lack of understanding of current Ukrainian social, economic and political realities. As a result, students often forget how important qualitative transformations in their own universities are. In spite of being successful at a national level, they do not have enough rights in universities.

Second, this has a negative impact on university autonomy, because autonomy can only be achieved through common efforts by the whole university community – academics, students and staff.

Third, the student movement often copies Western models without critically analysing them. For example, its representatives tend to connect negative processes in higher education with neo-liberal trends in politics. Ukrainian realities are quite different. Discussions on the ‘disadvantages of liberalism’ are not the most pressing issue in Ukraine now.

The problems of Ukrainian higher education are connected with post-soviet and post-colonial throwbacks such as corruption, fear of real competition at national and global levels, a distorted infrastructure, and the post-colonial narrowness of Ukrainian political leaders, who are not able to understand the importance of science and educational development for the formation of an effective modern state.

Fourth, a Ukrainian university has special importance as a social institute that has a central role in the state reformation process. The student movement neglects the social weight and impact of our universities and is too influenced by ideological factors.

Fifth, these ideological factors misinform the broad student public. For example, critical theory is confused with critical thinking in general. Ukrainian universities are often presented as an objectification of power in a wholly negative way and as an instrument for personal enrichment at students’ cost.

Market mechanisms in post-totalitarian Ukraine should be considered from the liberal position of the concept of the ‘free market of ideas’ and ‘free market’ principles for relations between higher education institutions. This could result in the growth of university quality and competitiveness. Corruption should not be presented as a demon or an invincible evil; instead, it must be eliminated by necessary reforms.

Two revolutions

Young people love talking about revolution. Nevertheless, in Ukraine there is not just one revolution. The first revolution is a social one and is about making the system of government fairer and more effective. The second is a national revolution, focused on the struggle for Ukrainian independence, language and culture.

This kind of division is a huge mistake. A national revolution cannot happen without a social one, and the converse is also true. The success of the Campaign against the Degradation of Higher Education can be explained by the uniting of ‘right’ (Vidsich) and ‘left’ (Priama Diya) organisations.

The provocative draft law on fundamentals of language policy, proposed by the Party of Regions and the communists as parliamentary elections approached, was vigorously opposed by the public movement Vidsich, while Priama Diya was totally indifferent.

However, a properly functioning civil society would not ignore a government’s attempts to discriminate against the Ukrainian language, especially in higher education and research. This issue is of the same importance as social needs in areas such as healthcare. It also resulted in student hunger strikes in Kyiv, which gained media coverage.

Social, economic, national and cultural demands in post-colonial Ukraine should be part of one big movement. By coming together, Ukrainians can help the country emerge from the politics of ‘blackmail’ and from a state that is corrupted by oligarchs, and move it towards a more effective and fairer democratic system.

There is no doubt that student movements will play a really important, maybe even a decisive, role in such change.

* Serhiy Kvit, a prominent commentator on educational issues, has been rector of the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy since 2007. He founded the Kyiv-Mohyla School of Journalism in 2001 and became president of the Media Reform Centre set up to initiate open debate and promote more transparent media and government. He served as chair of the Consortium on University Autonomy from 2005-10. Kvit has published several books and numerous articles. He has a PhD from the Ukrainian Free University in Munich and also holds a doctorate in philology. He was the recipient of a Fulbright scholarship to Ohio University in the US, a Kennan Institute scholarship at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington DC and a DAAD (German Academic Exchange Service) scholarship at the University of Cologne.
 

Legal challenge against new higher education law being prepared in Indonesia

Ria Nurdiani19 August 2012 Issue No:235

 

In the wake of the Indonesian parliament’s hasty passing of a Higher Education Act last month, several concerned organisations have said they are planning to submit documents to the Constitutional Court demanding a judicial review of the new law.

A legal challenge would mean uncertainty over the full implementation of the law, and could make it difficult for foreign higher education providers to plan entry into Indonesia.

The new law regulates the management of universities and accreditation of courses, as well as allowing in foreign education providers under certain conditions.

Constitutional Court Chief Judge Mohammad Mahfud confirmed that moves were under way to seek a judicial review, although none of the organisations had yet gone far enough in their preparations for court dates to be set, as they are still closely studying the act.

However, he said that as the process had already been initiated, the Constitutional Court could not comment on the review. “The answer [to the review process] will be the verdict,” Mahfud was quoted in local media as saying.

A civil society organisation, the Jakarta Legal Aid Institute, said it was preparing a legal challenge that will maintain that the government or the state should be involved in higher education. It has consistently objected to the new law, saying it amounts to the privatisation of higher education.

“This act narrows the involvement of the state in education,” Pratiwi Febri, the institute’s public defender, told University World News.

According to Febri, the government should ensure affordable higher education is available not just for the rich but also for the poor.

She described as “wrong” the system in which students taking the entrance exam for public universities pay into an endowment fund used to support the universities, rather than adequate funds being provided by the government through the national budget.

Concerns of private universities

At the end of July, at a forum of rectors held in Central Java, many university leaders came out in strong support of a legal challenge, with particular concerns over university autonomy and the entry of foreign universities.

Local private universities, in particular, fear competition from foreign universities and the possibility that lecturers could be poached by foreign providers offering better salaries.

The new law states that foreign providers of ‘good quality’ will be allowed accreditation. Foreign providers must be non-profit and can only set up campuses in cooperation with an Indonesian university.

“Our academic team is still assessing each article of the law,” said Sali Iskandar, West Java chief of the Association of Private Universities Agency, a group of foundations that run private higher education institutions.

But he insisted: “Other organisations might hesitate [to proceed with a judicial review], but we won’t. We will continue to submit a judicial review to the Constitutional Court.”

Sali appeared to be referring to the Association of Private Universities, a separate organisation of private university leaders mainly concerned about the academic side of the business. Together with the National Commission of Education, that association has now dropped its plans for a legal challenge.

Secretary-general of the National Commission of Education Andreas Tambah told University World News that his organisation had reviewed the Higher Education Act in detail and had concluded that it was fine.

The commission previously had concerns over foreign institutions being allowed to set their own curriculum and not inculcating ‘Indonesian values’.

Edy Suandi Hamid, head of the Indonesian Private Universities Association, told University World News that the association did not want to request a judicial review so soon after the act had been passed.

“We do not want [to appear] as if we differ from the government,” said Edy, who is rector of the Islamic University of Indonesia, a private institution in Yogyakarta.

In the current tense debate over the act, moves to submit a judicial review are being seen by some as a political measure to oppose the government, rather than as an attempt to improve the law.

Awaiting detailed regulations

The government is currently formulating more detailed regulations under the act, and Edy said he hoped that stakeholders would also be involved in the process, “although there’s been no request from the government [to take part] yet”.

He believed that the government had accommodated various ideas, although not all of them have been approved yet.

If “it turns out that the articles that we considered problematic or not listed in the act are accommodated through the derivative regulation, then our judicial review might not be submitted”.