ថ្ងៃនេះហ្សង់-ហ្វ្រង់ស័រ តាន់ បន្តលើកឡើងអំពីភូមិសាស្រ្តនយោបាយនៃអាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍តទៅទៀត ដោយសូមផ្តើមសិក្សាទៅលើសមាគមប្រជាជាតិអាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍ហៅកាត់ថា អាស៊ាន។ កាលពី៤៥ឆ្នាំមុន គឺនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៦៧ អាស៊ានត្រូវបានបង្កើតឡើង ដើម្បីជាខែលទប់ទបើងាកក្រោយ ពិនិត្យមើលប្រវត្តិ៤៥ឆ្នាំរបស់សមាគមប្រជាជាតិអាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍ ហៅកាត់ថាអាស៊ាន គេនឹងយល់ច្បាស់ភ្លាមថា ការចាប់បដិសន្ធិឡើងនៃអង្គការតំបន់មួយនេះនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៦៧ ស្តែងឱ្យឃើញនូវភាពប្រេះឆាខ្លាំងមែនទែននៃភូមិភាគអាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍ សម័យនោះ។
នៅក្នុងទសវត្សរ៍ទី៦០ មានអធិករណ៍ស្មុគស្មាញខ្លាំងណាស់ រវាងបណ្តាប្រទេសអាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍ដែលជាកោះ។ ជាក់ស្តែង ប្រទេសម៉ាឡេស៊ីមានទំនាស់ជាមួយប្រទេសឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី ជុំវិញកោះបូរណេអូ(Bornéo) ហើយនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៦៣ដែនដីប៉ែកខាងជើងនៃកោះនេះ គឺដែនដីកាលីម៉ង់តង់(Kalimantan) បានប្រកាសផ្តាច់ខ្លួនទៅនៅក្រោមការគ្រប់គ្រងនៃប្រទេសម៉ាឡេស៊ី ជាហេតុបានធ្វើឲ្យប្រទេសឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ីខឹងច្រឡោតតោតតូងនិងជាហេតុបាន ធ្វើឱ្យសង្គ្រាមហៀបតែនឹងផ្ទុះឡើងម្តងៗ រវាងប្រទេសភាគីជម្លោះទាំងពីរទៀតផង។
ម៉្យាងវិញទៀត កាលសម័យនោះ ក៏មានដែរភាពតានតឹងរវាងម៉ាឡេស៊ីនិងសិង្ហបុរី ពីព្រោះសិង្ហបុរីក្រោមការដឹកនាំរបស់លី គាន់យូ (Lee Kuan Yew) បានសម្រេចដើរចេញពីសហព័ន្ធរួមម៉ាឡេស៊ី។ ក្រៅពីនេះ ម៉ាឡេស៊ីក៏មានទំនាស់ជាមួយហ្វីលីពីនដែរជុំវិញដែនដីសាបាហ៍(Sabah) ដែលឋិតនៅប៉ែកខាងជើងនៃកោះបូរណេអូពីព្រោះសាបាហ៍បានប្រកាសដាក់ ខ្លួនឱ្យនៅក្រោមការគ្រប់គ្រងរបស់ប្រទេសម៉ាឡេស៊ី។
ទន្ទឹមនេះ កាលសម័យនោះ អាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍ជាសមរភូមិនៃសង្គ្រាមត្រជាក់ មានន័យថា វាជាទីកន្លែងដ៏ក្តៅគគុកជាងគេបង្អស់មួយនៃជម្លោះមនោគមវិជ្ជា រវាងសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក សហភាពសូវៀត និងចិន ជម្លោះមនោគមវិជ្ជាដែលស្តែងឡើងតាមរយៈសង្គ្រាមនៅវៀតណាម។ សង្គ្រាមវៀតណាម ដែលកាលណោះបានផ្តើមរីករាលដាលចូលទៅដល់ប្រទេសកម្ពុជានិងឡាវ ពោលគឺពាសពេញឥណ្ឌូចិនតែម្តង។ មិនតែប៉ុណ្ណោះ ទ័ពព្រៃកុម្មុយនិស្តក៏មានសកម្មភាពខ្លាំងក្លាណាស់ដែរនៅប្រទេស ភូមា ថៃ ហ្វីលីពីននិងឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី ឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ីជាទីដែលឧត្តមសេនីយ៍ស៊ូហារតូ(Suharto) បានវាយបង្ក្រាបក្នុងថ្លុកឈាមពួកសកម្មជនបក្សកុម្មុយនិស្ត ជាហេតុបានបណ្តាលឱ្យមានស្លាប់យ៉ាងតិច៥០០ ០០០នាក់។
នៅក្នុងស្ថានភាពមួយដ៏អាសន្នបែបនេះ បណ្តាប្រទេសអាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍ដែលឋិតនៅក្រោមឥទ្ធិពលអាមេរិកាំង រួមមានថៃ ម៉ាឡេស៊ី សិង្ហបុរី ឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី និងហ្វីលីពីន ដែលមានជម្លោះទឹកដីរវាងគ្នាត្រូវប្រឈមមុខនឹងដំណោះស្រាយបញ្ហាពីរ៖ ទីមួយ គឺត្រូវធ្វើយ៉ាងណាកុំឱ្យសង្គ្រាមកើតឡើងរវាងពួកគេ រីឯទីពីរគឺត្រូវពឹងពាក់សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិកដើម្បីខ្ទប់កុំឥទ្ធិពល កុម្មុយនិស្តរីកធំធាត់នៅក្នុងប្រទេសពួកគេបាន។ អ៊ីចឹងហើយបានជាបណ្តាប្រទេសសម្ព័ន្ធមិត្តទាំង៥របស់អាមេរិកនៅ អាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍ គឺថៃ ម៉ាឡេស៊ី សិង្ហបុរី ឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី និងហ្វីលីពីនបានសម្រេចចិត្តបង្កើតអាស៊ានឡើងនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៦៧។
មែនទែនទៅ នៅឆ្នាំ១៩៦៧នោះ ការទប់ទល់នឹងមនោគមវិជ្ជាកុម្មុយនិស្ត មិនមែនជាគោលដៅផ្លូវការដែលចែងនៅក្នុងសេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍រួមរបស់ ប្រទេសស្ថានិកអាស៊ានទាំង៥ទេ។ គោលដៅជាផ្លូវការដែលបានចែង គឺបង្កើនសហប្រតិបត្តិការសេដ្ឋកិច្ចសង្គមកិច្ចនិងវប្បធម៌រវាងបណ្តា ប្រទេសសមាជិកនិង «បង្កើតតំបន់សន្តិភាពមួយដែលមានមូលដ្ឋាននៅលើសេរីភាពនិង អព្យាក្រិតភាព»។
ទោះជាយ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ គេត្រូវរង់ចាំរហូតដល់ឆ្នាំ១៩៧៦ ទើបឃើញបណ្តាប្រទេសសមាជិកអាស៊ានប្រញាប់រួសរាន់ផ្តល់សន្ទុះថ្មីដល់ អង្គការតំបន់មួយនេះ។ ជាក់ស្តែង នាឱកាសជំនួបកំពូលអាស៊ាននៅបាលី(Bali)ឆ្នាំ១៩៧៦ ប្រទេសថៃ ម៉ាឡេស៊ី សិង្ហបុរី ហ្វីលីពីន និងឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ីបានចុះហត្ថលេខាលើសន្ធិសញ្ញាមិត្តភាពនិង សហប្រតិបត្តិការមួយ ដើម្បីពង្រឹងសាមគ្គីភាពរវាងគ្នា នៅចំពោះមុខការគំរាមកំហែងនៃបណ្តាប្រទេសកុម្មុយនិស្តនៅឥណ្ឌូចិន។ នៅឆ្នាំ១៩៧៦ដដែលនោះ អគ្គលេខាធិការដ្ឋានអចិន្ត្រៃយ៍មួយរបស់អាស៊ានត្រូវបានបង្កើតឡើងនៅ យ៉ារការតា(Jakarta)ប្រទេសឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី។
មានមូលហេតុមួយសំខាន់ដែលបានជំរុញឱ្យប្រទេសស្ថាបនិកទាំងប្រាំ ផ្តល់សន្ទុះថ្មីដល់អង្គការអាស៊ាន នោះគឺនៅខែមេសាឆ្នាំ១៩៧៥ កងទ័ពកុម្មុយនិស្តវៀតណាមខាងជើងបានចូលកាន់កាប់ទីក្រុងសៃហ្កុង (Saigon) កងយោធាកុម្មុយនិស្តខ្មែរក្រហមបានចូលកាន់កាប់ទីក្រុងភ្នំពេញ និងចលនាកុម្មុយនិស្តប៉ាថេតឡាវ(Pathet Lao)បានឈ្នះសង្គ្រាម នៅប្រទេសឡាវ។
បន្ទាប់មកទៀតនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៧៩ អាស៊ានបានប្រកាន់ជំហរនយោបាយច្បាស់ជាងមុន ក្រោយពីប្រទេសវៀតណាមគាំទ្រដោយសហភាពសូវៀត បានចូលឈ្លានពានប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ផ្តួលរំលំរបបខ្មែរក្រហមដែលរណបចិនកុម្មុយនិស្ត។ ជំហរនយោបាយរបស់អាស៊ានកាលណោះ គឺឋិតនៅខាងសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក និងនៅខាងចិនដែលបានជួយគាំទ្រខ្មែរក្រហមក្នុងសង្គ្រាមប្រឆាំងនឹង របបហេង សំរិននៅកម្ពុជាដែលទ្រទ្រង់ដោយវៀតណាម និងសហភាពសូវៀត។ គឺនៅក្នុងបរិបទនេះហើយ ដែលប្រទេសថៃបានបើកដៃឱ្យខ្មែរក្រហមប្រើប្រាស់ទឹកដីរបស់គេទុក ធ្វើជាសមរភូមិក្រោយ។ ទន្ទឹមនេះ អាស៊ានបានធ្វើការគាបសង្កត់តាមផ្លូវទូតដើម្បីបង្ខំឱ្យវៀតណាមដក ទ័ពចេញពីកម្ពុជា ។ គឺនៅក្នុងបរិបទនៃអ្វីដែលគេហៅថា សង្គ្រាមឥណ្ឌូចិនលើកទី៣នេះហើយ ដែលអាស៊ានបានទទួលប្រទេសព្រុយណេឱ្យចូលជាសមាជិកនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៨៤៕ ល់នឹងមនោគមវិជ្ជាកុម្មុយនិស្ត។
Tuesday 21 August 2012
បង្កើតអាស៊ាននៅឆ្នាំ១៩៦៧ ដើម្បីជាខែលទប់ទល់នឹងមនោគមវិជ្ជាកុម្មុយនិស្ត
Sunday 19 August 2012
Degrees ‘not worth the paper they're written on’ in Myanma
Myint Oo19 August 2012 Issue No:235
Employment prospects for university graduates in Burma are
unpredictable. The subject they studied at university often does not
match workforce skills requirements. A physics graduate does not become a
physicist. He may work as a taxi-driver.
A maths graduate will not be a mathematician, but may become a trishaw peddler. A history graduate may become a security guard. Many other graduates end up working in non-professional positions like brokers or even doing odd jobs.
In neighbouring countries, Burma’s male graduates generally end up as manual labourers, and women graduates become babysitters or housemaids. Graduates do not have the skills suitable for working in the areas in which they majored at university.
The government has failed to create new jobs, leaving tens of thousands of graduates waiting for years to fill vacant positions in the public sector. More than 6,000 medical graduates are now unemployed in a country with a population of 60 million. The International Monetary Fund estimates Burma’s unemployment rate to be 5.5%, compared to 0.7% in Thailand.
Degree ‘not worth the paper it’s written on’
There is no private university in Burma. Nearly 170 public universities are run by 13 ministries and each minister has his own idea of how to do it. There is no independent university council.
Curricula and learning materials are out of date and are not relevant. Graduates lack the necessary skills to tackle the country’s immediate needs or the long-term social, political and economic problems that have devastated Burma for generations.
If you ask a student “What will you do when you graduate?” you will get answers like, “I will attend an English class” or “I will learn Chinese or a foreign language to get a job” or, more frequently, “I will attend a computer course”. Shockingly, some will say: “I will try to get another degree so I have more letters after my name.”
No matter what the answer is, it is likely that university graduates will not find a skilled job. The country’s educated people scoff at their own degree certificates, often saying they are "not worth the paper they’re written on".
For years, about 25% of Burma’s budget went to the armed forces, compared with 1.3% spent on education.
Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, in her speech at the World Economic Forum, called for investments that create new jobs to avoid youth unemployment. At Oxford University she said the education system was “desperately weak” and that “reform is needed, not just of schools and the curriculum, and the training of teachers, but also of our attitude to education, which at present is too narrow and rigid”.
Exam-focused attitude
The common attitude of students, teachers and parents is to focus on passing examinations and earning one or more degrees – not on being a scholar. They encourage a culture of rote learning, with little emphasis on understanding information or being able to apply it.
Behavioural, interpersonal and communication skills are not taught at universities. If a student can learn the answers word for word and repeat them correctly in an exam, then s/he is awarded the highest score or credited with a ‘D’ for distinction. Exam ‘spots’ (two or three sets of possible questions and answers prepared by teachers) are best-sellers during exam season.
This exam-focused system discourages students’ development of analytical thinking and technical skills. Good exam results can be obtained with money and influence. Corruption, favoritism and cheating are common. State-accredited education has lost credibility.
‘Tuition’ culture
University admissions are based on matriculation scores. The highest scorers will go to universities of medicine or technology. To pass an exam, to get higher scores or to obtain Ds, parents send their children to ‘tuition’ classes, where students learn the same curriculum that is taught at school.
Students used to take ‘tuition’ to get favour from their formal (government school) teacher or from an external teacher who runs a paid class; teachers give ‘tuition’ to earn money or to augment their low salaries. ‘Tuition’ is a way of making it easier for students to learn.
From kindergarten to PhD level, ‘tuitions’ are analogous to formal classes. Well-known ‘tuition’ teachers run tutorial-style classes with extra attention paid to individual students (particularly using edutainment programmes), while many distribute notes of lectures to a larger group of students. ‘Tutors’ prepare easy-to-learn short notes (usually with mnemonics) and exam ‘spots’, which are rehearsed by students before entering the final exam.
A ‘tuition’ teacher does not need a degree in education, or to master the art of pedagogy. Any graduate can be a tutor at a self-funded ‘tuition’ class. There are also ‘boarders’, or boarding schools, where a group of pre-university students are boarded in a dormitory after signing a contract with tutors who promise to get them to pass the matriculation exam.
Each student spends 200,000 to 400,000 Kyats (US$200 to US$400) a month – government schools cost less than US$5 a month. There are also job-related ‘tuitions’ for public sector jobs. Recently, many medical doctors have been taking ‘tuition’ for the job selection exam, which paves the way for occupying one of the 1,500 vacant positions at public hospitals.
Students with a strong desire to pass exams with flying colours hire a study ‘guide’ in addition to taking ‘tuitions’. The ‘guide’ is a former student who drills the student through repetitive readings. A ‘guide’ and a student read together on a topic until it is learned off by heart.
Students are under pressure to get results through formal study at school, spoon-fed learning at ‘tuitions’ and parrot-learning with a ‘guide’.
This pressure was increased when Burma’s universities were broken up and moved to the outskirts of cities to prevent students from uniting against the military dictatorship. Campus lives have deteriorated, buildings are unkempt and university grounds full of grazing cows and stray dogs. Students spend an extra two hours a day just getting to campus.
Attitudes must change
Rangoon University was founded in 1878, and it became one of the top universities in Asia during the 1950s. Graduates from its medical college were recognised by the General Medical Council in the UK before 1974.
Under military rule, the tertiary education system went backwards and Burma’s universities are not included in world rankings of universities due to lack of research and library facilities, an imbalance between students and faculty, and assessment based on the final exam.
The Ranking Web of World Universities (Webometrics July 2012) ranked Rangoon’s University of Computer Studies at 12,109; the University of Medicine (1) in Yangon at 15,930; the University of Medicine in Magway at 19,228; and the University of Medicine in Mandalay at 19,606.
Hardly any Burmese universities have their own websites, and no student has a university email account.
To regain the past prestige and glory of our universities, we need to change our attitude to education. Burma’s universities should introduce a skills-based curriculum and affiliate with international universities.
My aspiration is that one of the world-ranking universities (or the Institute of International Education) might build a model university in Burma to coincide with the suspension of European Union and United States sanctions and with the Burmese government’s call for international investment.
* Dr Myint Oo is adjunct assistant professor at Tufts University School of Medicine in the United States.
A maths graduate will not be a mathematician, but may become a trishaw peddler. A history graduate may become a security guard. Many other graduates end up working in non-professional positions like brokers or even doing odd jobs.
In neighbouring countries, Burma’s male graduates generally end up as manual labourers, and women graduates become babysitters or housemaids. Graduates do not have the skills suitable for working in the areas in which they majored at university.
The government has failed to create new jobs, leaving tens of thousands of graduates waiting for years to fill vacant positions in the public sector. More than 6,000 medical graduates are now unemployed in a country with a population of 60 million. The International Monetary Fund estimates Burma’s unemployment rate to be 5.5%, compared to 0.7% in Thailand.
Degree ‘not worth the paper it’s written on’
There is no private university in Burma. Nearly 170 public universities are run by 13 ministries and each minister has his own idea of how to do it. There is no independent university council.
Curricula and learning materials are out of date and are not relevant. Graduates lack the necessary skills to tackle the country’s immediate needs or the long-term social, political and economic problems that have devastated Burma for generations.
If you ask a student “What will you do when you graduate?” you will get answers like, “I will attend an English class” or “I will learn Chinese or a foreign language to get a job” or, more frequently, “I will attend a computer course”. Shockingly, some will say: “I will try to get another degree so I have more letters after my name.”
No matter what the answer is, it is likely that university graduates will not find a skilled job. The country’s educated people scoff at their own degree certificates, often saying they are "not worth the paper they’re written on".
For years, about 25% of Burma’s budget went to the armed forces, compared with 1.3% spent on education.
Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, in her speech at the World Economic Forum, called for investments that create new jobs to avoid youth unemployment. At Oxford University she said the education system was “desperately weak” and that “reform is needed, not just of schools and the curriculum, and the training of teachers, but also of our attitude to education, which at present is too narrow and rigid”.
Exam-focused attitude
The common attitude of students, teachers and parents is to focus on passing examinations and earning one or more degrees – not on being a scholar. They encourage a culture of rote learning, with little emphasis on understanding information or being able to apply it.
Behavioural, interpersonal and communication skills are not taught at universities. If a student can learn the answers word for word and repeat them correctly in an exam, then s/he is awarded the highest score or credited with a ‘D’ for distinction. Exam ‘spots’ (two or three sets of possible questions and answers prepared by teachers) are best-sellers during exam season.
This exam-focused system discourages students’ development of analytical thinking and technical skills. Good exam results can be obtained with money and influence. Corruption, favoritism and cheating are common. State-accredited education has lost credibility.
‘Tuition’ culture
University admissions are based on matriculation scores. The highest scorers will go to universities of medicine or technology. To pass an exam, to get higher scores or to obtain Ds, parents send their children to ‘tuition’ classes, where students learn the same curriculum that is taught at school.
Students used to take ‘tuition’ to get favour from their formal (government school) teacher or from an external teacher who runs a paid class; teachers give ‘tuition’ to earn money or to augment their low salaries. ‘Tuition’ is a way of making it easier for students to learn.
From kindergarten to PhD level, ‘tuitions’ are analogous to formal classes. Well-known ‘tuition’ teachers run tutorial-style classes with extra attention paid to individual students (particularly using edutainment programmes), while many distribute notes of lectures to a larger group of students. ‘Tutors’ prepare easy-to-learn short notes (usually with mnemonics) and exam ‘spots’, which are rehearsed by students before entering the final exam.
A ‘tuition’ teacher does not need a degree in education, or to master the art of pedagogy. Any graduate can be a tutor at a self-funded ‘tuition’ class. There are also ‘boarders’, or boarding schools, where a group of pre-university students are boarded in a dormitory after signing a contract with tutors who promise to get them to pass the matriculation exam.
Each student spends 200,000 to 400,000 Kyats (US$200 to US$400) a month – government schools cost less than US$5 a month. There are also job-related ‘tuitions’ for public sector jobs. Recently, many medical doctors have been taking ‘tuition’ for the job selection exam, which paves the way for occupying one of the 1,500 vacant positions at public hospitals.
Students with a strong desire to pass exams with flying colours hire a study ‘guide’ in addition to taking ‘tuitions’. The ‘guide’ is a former student who drills the student through repetitive readings. A ‘guide’ and a student read together on a topic until it is learned off by heart.
Students are under pressure to get results through formal study at school, spoon-fed learning at ‘tuitions’ and parrot-learning with a ‘guide’.
This pressure was increased when Burma’s universities were broken up and moved to the outskirts of cities to prevent students from uniting against the military dictatorship. Campus lives have deteriorated, buildings are unkempt and university grounds full of grazing cows and stray dogs. Students spend an extra two hours a day just getting to campus.
Attitudes must change
Rangoon University was founded in 1878, and it became one of the top universities in Asia during the 1950s. Graduates from its medical college were recognised by the General Medical Council in the UK before 1974.
Under military rule, the tertiary education system went backwards and Burma’s universities are not included in world rankings of universities due to lack of research and library facilities, an imbalance between students and faculty, and assessment based on the final exam.
The Ranking Web of World Universities (Webometrics July 2012) ranked Rangoon’s University of Computer Studies at 12,109; the University of Medicine (1) in Yangon at 15,930; the University of Medicine in Magway at 19,228; and the University of Medicine in Mandalay at 19,606.
Hardly any Burmese universities have their own websites, and no student has a university email account.
To regain the past prestige and glory of our universities, we need to change our attitude to education. Burma’s universities should introduce a skills-based curriculum and affiliate with international universities.
My aspiration is that one of the world-ranking universities (or the Institute of International Education) might build a model university in Burma to coincide with the suspension of European Union and United States sanctions and with the Burmese government’s call for international investment.
* Dr Myint Oo is adjunct assistant professor at Tufts University School of Medicine in the United States.
Spike in research publications, despite cuts
Business Recorder19 August 2012 Issue No:235
Pakistan's universities have witnessed phenomenal growth in research
publications, which increased by 87% from 2002-11 despite a 40% cut in
Higher Education Commission (HEC) development funds in the past three
years, writes Waqar Lillah for Business Recorder.
Information collected from the HEC last Thursday revealed that Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad had secured first position with 717 research publications, the University of Agriculture Faisalabad was second with 524 publications and Agha Khan University Karachi was third with 521 publications. The number of publications increased from 800 to 6,000 in the same period. However, research publication were 5,000 in 2010.
As a result of the increase in research publications, Pakistan's contribution to the research sector of the world has increased by 300% in the past five years. In Pakistan 90% of the research publications come from higher education institutions.
Full report on the Business Recorder site
Information collected from the HEC last Thursday revealed that Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad had secured first position with 717 research publications, the University of Agriculture Faisalabad was second with 524 publications and Agha Khan University Karachi was third with 521 publications. The number of publications increased from 800 to 6,000 in the same period. However, research publication were 5,000 in 2010.
As a result of the increase in research publications, Pakistan's contribution to the research sector of the world has increased by 300% in the past five years. In Pakistan 90% of the research publications come from higher education institutions.
Full report on the Business Recorder site
Student groups have vital role to play in universities and society
Serhiy Kvit19 August 2012 Issue No:235
To have a complete view of the higher education system in Ukraine, an
account of student movements is essential. Ukraine has a large number of
youth organisations that draw attention to problems in higher
education.
The website of the Ministry of Education and Science lists 88 organisations, but they represent only a small proportion of the real number. Among them are professional, trade union, scout and political groups, as well as various student-led organisations.
Their main feature is that they were established by young people – or launched by those who ‘work with youth’. Therefore, the agenda of these organisations is often formed either by independent volunteers or directly by the government.
What is the ‘voice of universities’?
Active Ukrainian students do not totally understand the different constituencies that universities represent. On 21 July, at the All-Ukrainian Student Forum of Regional Coordinators, I answered this question in the following way: first, universities represent the research body; second, they represent expert knowledge; third, they are official institutions with their own established positions; and finally, they represent student voices.
In some cases, representatives of student movements can participate in the expert knowledge process. They did so when the draft law on higher education was being elaborated.
In a previous blog, I mentioned the report Inclusion of the Ukrainian System of Higher Education in the European Higher Education and Research Area, in which the Ukrainian Association of Students’ Self-Administration was featured.
Ukrainian universities normally dare not speak as public experts on issues that are of interest to the whole society. It is a popular misconception in Ukrainian society that universities have their own expert opinion. It is the state government that speaks for them.
That is why the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy and Kyiv Polytechnic Institute were the only higher education institutions participating in the struggle for the new progressive draft law on higher education.
Only a handful of universities protested against the draft law on fundamentals of language policy in Ukraine, which is now being actively promoted in parliament by forces that favour the ruling party. The legislation is aimed at furthering the ‘Russification’ policy, which started in Ukraine more than 300 years ago.
Among the protesting universities were the Ukrainian Catholic University, the Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, and the Ostrih Academy. Nevertheless, only the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy is currently working on a deep analysis of the draft law.
Student action should target universities
When higher education institutions are passive, students’ voices sometimes become the voice of Ukrainian universities. Student movements should not just focus on external social transformation. Ukraine’s universities need drastic change themselves. Therefore, student activity should target universities more.
Firstly, they need to focus on democratising the administrative processes, introducing university autonomy and establishing high-quality Ukrainian universities.
The Centre for Society Research says the Ukrainian student movement is the most successful in Europe. In 2011, it documented student participation in 121 public protests in Ukraine. Most of these protests were part of the Campaign against the Degradation of Higher Education, and were aimed at preventing the enactment of the new draft law on higher education initiated by the Ministry of Education and Science in 2010.
The campaign was initiated by the independent student trade union Priama Diya (Direct Action), the public movement Vidsich (Rebuff) and the Foundation of Regional Initiatives.
It is worth mentioning that other youth groups, as well as higher education and school students, their parents and teachers, participated in the actions held in Kyiv and different regions of Ukraine. Among other organisations, the authors of the research mentioned the All-Ukrainian Union Svoboda (Freedom), Opir (Resistance) and the Democratic Alliance.
In 2011-12 the Ukrainian student movement was victorious. In particular, the authoritarian draft law on higher education was stopped, a new working team was organised and the text of the new progressive draft law was elaborated and passed by the Ukrainian government on 25 July.
Students also managed to get most of their social and economic demands met, either by public bodies or by university administrators.
Although the achievements of the student movement are quite considerable, the authors of the research conclude that it is still far from being as strong as European student movements are. European students are better at communicating with other protest groups, their actions are much more radical, and their protest actions engage many more participants.
The victories of Ukrainian students are due to the fragility of the government rather than the strength of a well-organised movement.
The student movement and universities
What keeps a student movement from developing?
At first sight, the cause is obvious: the student movement in general demonstrates a lack of understanding of current Ukrainian social, economic and political realities. As a result, students often forget how important qualitative transformations in their own universities are. In spite of being successful at a national level, they do not have enough rights in universities.
Second, this has a negative impact on university autonomy, because autonomy can only be achieved through common efforts by the whole university community – academics, students and staff.
Third, the student movement often copies Western models without critically analysing them. For example, its representatives tend to connect negative processes in higher education with neo-liberal trends in politics. Ukrainian realities are quite different. Discussions on the ‘disadvantages of liberalism’ are not the most pressing issue in Ukraine now.
The problems of Ukrainian higher education are connected with post-soviet and post-colonial throwbacks such as corruption, fear of real competition at national and global levels, a distorted infrastructure, and the post-colonial narrowness of Ukrainian political leaders, who are not able to understand the importance of science and educational development for the formation of an effective modern state.
Fourth, a Ukrainian university has special importance as a social institute that has a central role in the state reformation process. The student movement neglects the social weight and impact of our universities and is too influenced by ideological factors.
Fifth, these ideological factors misinform the broad student public. For example, critical theory is confused with critical thinking in general. Ukrainian universities are often presented as an objectification of power in a wholly negative way and as an instrument for personal enrichment at students’ cost.
Market mechanisms in post-totalitarian Ukraine should be considered from the liberal position of the concept of the ‘free market of ideas’ and ‘free market’ principles for relations between higher education institutions. This could result in the growth of university quality and competitiveness. Corruption should not be presented as a demon or an invincible evil; instead, it must be eliminated by necessary reforms.
Two revolutions
Young people love talking about revolution. Nevertheless, in Ukraine there is not just one revolution. The first revolution is a social one and is about making the system of government fairer and more effective. The second is a national revolution, focused on the struggle for Ukrainian independence, language and culture.
This kind of division is a huge mistake. A national revolution cannot happen without a social one, and the converse is also true. The success of the Campaign against the Degradation of Higher Education can be explained by the uniting of ‘right’ (Vidsich) and ‘left’ (Priama Diya) organisations.
The provocative draft law on fundamentals of language policy, proposed by the Party of Regions and the communists as parliamentary elections approached, was vigorously opposed by the public movement Vidsich, while Priama Diya was totally indifferent.
However, a properly functioning civil society would not ignore a government’s attempts to discriminate against the Ukrainian language, especially in higher education and research. This issue is of the same importance as social needs in areas such as healthcare. It also resulted in student hunger strikes in Kyiv, which gained media coverage.
Social, economic, national and cultural demands in post-colonial Ukraine should be part of one big movement. By coming together, Ukrainians can help the country emerge from the politics of ‘blackmail’ and from a state that is corrupted by oligarchs, and move it towards a more effective and fairer democratic system.
There is no doubt that student movements will play a really important, maybe even a decisive, role in such change.
* Serhiy Kvit, a prominent commentator on educational issues, has been rector of the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy since 2007. He founded the Kyiv-Mohyla School of Journalism in 2001 and became president of the Media Reform Centre set up to initiate open debate and promote more transparent media and government. He served as chair of the Consortium on University Autonomy from 2005-10. Kvit has published several books and numerous articles. He has a PhD from the Ukrainian Free University in Munich and also holds a doctorate in philology. He was the recipient of a Fulbright scholarship to Ohio University in the US, a Kennan Institute scholarship at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington DC and a DAAD (German Academic Exchange Service) scholarship at the University of Cologne.
The website of the Ministry of Education and Science lists 88 organisations, but they represent only a small proportion of the real number. Among them are professional, trade union, scout and political groups, as well as various student-led organisations.
Their main feature is that they were established by young people – or launched by those who ‘work with youth’. Therefore, the agenda of these organisations is often formed either by independent volunteers or directly by the government.
What is the ‘voice of universities’?
Active Ukrainian students do not totally understand the different constituencies that universities represent. On 21 July, at the All-Ukrainian Student Forum of Regional Coordinators, I answered this question in the following way: first, universities represent the research body; second, they represent expert knowledge; third, they are official institutions with their own established positions; and finally, they represent student voices.
In some cases, representatives of student movements can participate in the expert knowledge process. They did so when the draft law on higher education was being elaborated.
In a previous blog, I mentioned the report Inclusion of the Ukrainian System of Higher Education in the European Higher Education and Research Area, in which the Ukrainian Association of Students’ Self-Administration was featured.
Ukrainian universities normally dare not speak as public experts on issues that are of interest to the whole society. It is a popular misconception in Ukrainian society that universities have their own expert opinion. It is the state government that speaks for them.
That is why the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy and Kyiv Polytechnic Institute were the only higher education institutions participating in the struggle for the new progressive draft law on higher education.
Only a handful of universities protested against the draft law on fundamentals of language policy in Ukraine, which is now being actively promoted in parliament by forces that favour the ruling party. The legislation is aimed at furthering the ‘Russification’ policy, which started in Ukraine more than 300 years ago.
Among the protesting universities were the Ukrainian Catholic University, the Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, and the Ostrih Academy. Nevertheless, only the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy is currently working on a deep analysis of the draft law.
Student action should target universities
When higher education institutions are passive, students’ voices sometimes become the voice of Ukrainian universities. Student movements should not just focus on external social transformation. Ukraine’s universities need drastic change themselves. Therefore, student activity should target universities more.
Firstly, they need to focus on democratising the administrative processes, introducing university autonomy and establishing high-quality Ukrainian universities.
The Centre for Society Research says the Ukrainian student movement is the most successful in Europe. In 2011, it documented student participation in 121 public protests in Ukraine. Most of these protests were part of the Campaign against the Degradation of Higher Education, and were aimed at preventing the enactment of the new draft law on higher education initiated by the Ministry of Education and Science in 2010.
The campaign was initiated by the independent student trade union Priama Diya (Direct Action), the public movement Vidsich (Rebuff) and the Foundation of Regional Initiatives.
It is worth mentioning that other youth groups, as well as higher education and school students, their parents and teachers, participated in the actions held in Kyiv and different regions of Ukraine. Among other organisations, the authors of the research mentioned the All-Ukrainian Union Svoboda (Freedom), Opir (Resistance) and the Democratic Alliance.
In 2011-12 the Ukrainian student movement was victorious. In particular, the authoritarian draft law on higher education was stopped, a new working team was organised and the text of the new progressive draft law was elaborated and passed by the Ukrainian government on 25 July.
Students also managed to get most of their social and economic demands met, either by public bodies or by university administrators.
Although the achievements of the student movement are quite considerable, the authors of the research conclude that it is still far from being as strong as European student movements are. European students are better at communicating with other protest groups, their actions are much more radical, and their protest actions engage many more participants.
The victories of Ukrainian students are due to the fragility of the government rather than the strength of a well-organised movement.
The student movement and universities
What keeps a student movement from developing?
At first sight, the cause is obvious: the student movement in general demonstrates a lack of understanding of current Ukrainian social, economic and political realities. As a result, students often forget how important qualitative transformations in their own universities are. In spite of being successful at a national level, they do not have enough rights in universities.
Second, this has a negative impact on university autonomy, because autonomy can only be achieved through common efforts by the whole university community – academics, students and staff.
Third, the student movement often copies Western models without critically analysing them. For example, its representatives tend to connect negative processes in higher education with neo-liberal trends in politics. Ukrainian realities are quite different. Discussions on the ‘disadvantages of liberalism’ are not the most pressing issue in Ukraine now.
The problems of Ukrainian higher education are connected with post-soviet and post-colonial throwbacks such as corruption, fear of real competition at national and global levels, a distorted infrastructure, and the post-colonial narrowness of Ukrainian political leaders, who are not able to understand the importance of science and educational development for the formation of an effective modern state.
Fourth, a Ukrainian university has special importance as a social institute that has a central role in the state reformation process. The student movement neglects the social weight and impact of our universities and is too influenced by ideological factors.
Fifth, these ideological factors misinform the broad student public. For example, critical theory is confused with critical thinking in general. Ukrainian universities are often presented as an objectification of power in a wholly negative way and as an instrument for personal enrichment at students’ cost.
Market mechanisms in post-totalitarian Ukraine should be considered from the liberal position of the concept of the ‘free market of ideas’ and ‘free market’ principles for relations between higher education institutions. This could result in the growth of university quality and competitiveness. Corruption should not be presented as a demon or an invincible evil; instead, it must be eliminated by necessary reforms.
Two revolutions
Young people love talking about revolution. Nevertheless, in Ukraine there is not just one revolution. The first revolution is a social one and is about making the system of government fairer and more effective. The second is a national revolution, focused on the struggle for Ukrainian independence, language and culture.
This kind of division is a huge mistake. A national revolution cannot happen without a social one, and the converse is also true. The success of the Campaign against the Degradation of Higher Education can be explained by the uniting of ‘right’ (Vidsich) and ‘left’ (Priama Diya) organisations.
The provocative draft law on fundamentals of language policy, proposed by the Party of Regions and the communists as parliamentary elections approached, was vigorously opposed by the public movement Vidsich, while Priama Diya was totally indifferent.
However, a properly functioning civil society would not ignore a government’s attempts to discriminate against the Ukrainian language, especially in higher education and research. This issue is of the same importance as social needs in areas such as healthcare. It also resulted in student hunger strikes in Kyiv, which gained media coverage.
Social, economic, national and cultural demands in post-colonial Ukraine should be part of one big movement. By coming together, Ukrainians can help the country emerge from the politics of ‘blackmail’ and from a state that is corrupted by oligarchs, and move it towards a more effective and fairer democratic system.
There is no doubt that student movements will play a really important, maybe even a decisive, role in such change.
* Serhiy Kvit, a prominent commentator on educational issues, has been rector of the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy since 2007. He founded the Kyiv-Mohyla School of Journalism in 2001 and became president of the Media Reform Centre set up to initiate open debate and promote more transparent media and government. He served as chair of the Consortium on University Autonomy from 2005-10. Kvit has published several books and numerous articles. He has a PhD from the Ukrainian Free University in Munich and also holds a doctorate in philology. He was the recipient of a Fulbright scholarship to Ohio University in the US, a Kennan Institute scholarship at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington DC and a DAAD (German Academic Exchange Service) scholarship at the University of Cologne.
Legal challenge against new higher education law being prepared in Indonesia
Ria Nurdiani19 August 2012 Issue No:235
In the wake of the Indonesian parliament’s hasty passing of a Higher
Education Act last month, several concerned organisations have said they
are planning to submit documents to the Constitutional Court demanding a
judicial review of the new law.
A legal challenge would mean uncertainty over the full implementation of the law, and could make it difficult for foreign higher education providers to plan entry into Indonesia.
The new law regulates the management of universities and accreditation of courses, as well as allowing in foreign education providers under certain conditions.
Constitutional Court Chief Judge Mohammad Mahfud confirmed that moves were under way to seek a judicial review, although none of the organisations had yet gone far enough in their preparations for court dates to be set, as they are still closely studying the act.
However, he said that as the process had already been initiated, the Constitutional Court could not comment on the review. “The answer [to the review process] will be the verdict,” Mahfud was quoted in local media as saying.
A civil society organisation, the Jakarta Legal Aid Institute, said it was preparing a legal challenge that will maintain that the government or the state should be involved in higher education. It has consistently objected to the new law, saying it amounts to the privatisation of higher education.
“This act narrows the involvement of the state in education,” Pratiwi Febri, the institute’s public defender, told University World News.
According to Febri, the government should ensure affordable higher education is available not just for the rich but also for the poor.
She described as “wrong” the system in which students taking the entrance exam for public universities pay into an endowment fund used to support the universities, rather than adequate funds being provided by the government through the national budget.
Concerns of private universities
At the end of July, at a forum of rectors held in Central Java, many university leaders came out in strong support of a legal challenge, with particular concerns over university autonomy and the entry of foreign universities.
Local private universities, in particular, fear competition from foreign universities and the possibility that lecturers could be poached by foreign providers offering better salaries.
The new law states that foreign providers of ‘good quality’ will be allowed accreditation. Foreign providers must be non-profit and can only set up campuses in cooperation with an Indonesian university.
“Our academic team is still assessing each article of the law,” said Sali Iskandar, West Java chief of the Association of Private Universities Agency, a group of foundations that run private higher education institutions.
But he insisted: “Other organisations might hesitate [to proceed with a judicial review], but we won’t. We will continue to submit a judicial review to the Constitutional Court.”
Sali appeared to be referring to the Association of Private Universities, a separate organisation of private university leaders mainly concerned about the academic side of the business. Together with the National Commission of Education, that association has now dropped its plans for a legal challenge.
Secretary-general of the National Commission of Education Andreas Tambah told University World News that his organisation had reviewed the Higher Education Act in detail and had concluded that it was fine.
The commission previously had concerns over foreign institutions being allowed to set their own curriculum and not inculcating ‘Indonesian values’.
Edy Suandi Hamid, head of the Indonesian Private Universities Association, told University World News that the association did not want to request a judicial review so soon after the act had been passed.
“We do not want [to appear] as if we differ from the government,” said Edy, who is rector of the Islamic University of Indonesia, a private institution in Yogyakarta.
In the current tense debate over the act, moves to submit a judicial review are being seen by some as a political measure to oppose the government, rather than as an attempt to improve the law.
Awaiting detailed regulations
The government is currently formulating more detailed regulations under the act, and Edy said he hoped that stakeholders would also be involved in the process, “although there’s been no request from the government [to take part] yet”.
He believed that the government had accommodated various ideas, although not all of them have been approved yet.
If “it turns out that the articles that we considered problematic or not listed in the act are accommodated through the derivative regulation, then our judicial review might not be submitted”.
A legal challenge would mean uncertainty over the full implementation of the law, and could make it difficult for foreign higher education providers to plan entry into Indonesia.
The new law regulates the management of universities and accreditation of courses, as well as allowing in foreign education providers under certain conditions.
Constitutional Court Chief Judge Mohammad Mahfud confirmed that moves were under way to seek a judicial review, although none of the organisations had yet gone far enough in their preparations for court dates to be set, as they are still closely studying the act.
However, he said that as the process had already been initiated, the Constitutional Court could not comment on the review. “The answer [to the review process] will be the verdict,” Mahfud was quoted in local media as saying.
A civil society organisation, the Jakarta Legal Aid Institute, said it was preparing a legal challenge that will maintain that the government or the state should be involved in higher education. It has consistently objected to the new law, saying it amounts to the privatisation of higher education.
“This act narrows the involvement of the state in education,” Pratiwi Febri, the institute’s public defender, told University World News.
According to Febri, the government should ensure affordable higher education is available not just for the rich but also for the poor.
She described as “wrong” the system in which students taking the entrance exam for public universities pay into an endowment fund used to support the universities, rather than adequate funds being provided by the government through the national budget.
Concerns of private universities
At the end of July, at a forum of rectors held in Central Java, many university leaders came out in strong support of a legal challenge, with particular concerns over university autonomy and the entry of foreign universities.
Local private universities, in particular, fear competition from foreign universities and the possibility that lecturers could be poached by foreign providers offering better salaries.
The new law states that foreign providers of ‘good quality’ will be allowed accreditation. Foreign providers must be non-profit and can only set up campuses in cooperation with an Indonesian university.
“Our academic team is still assessing each article of the law,” said Sali Iskandar, West Java chief of the Association of Private Universities Agency, a group of foundations that run private higher education institutions.
But he insisted: “Other organisations might hesitate [to proceed with a judicial review], but we won’t. We will continue to submit a judicial review to the Constitutional Court.”
Sali appeared to be referring to the Association of Private Universities, a separate organisation of private university leaders mainly concerned about the academic side of the business. Together with the National Commission of Education, that association has now dropped its plans for a legal challenge.
Secretary-general of the National Commission of Education Andreas Tambah told University World News that his organisation had reviewed the Higher Education Act in detail and had concluded that it was fine.
The commission previously had concerns over foreign institutions being allowed to set their own curriculum and not inculcating ‘Indonesian values’.
Edy Suandi Hamid, head of the Indonesian Private Universities Association, told University World News that the association did not want to request a judicial review so soon after the act had been passed.
“We do not want [to appear] as if we differ from the government,” said Edy, who is rector of the Islamic University of Indonesia, a private institution in Yogyakarta.
In the current tense debate over the act, moves to submit a judicial review are being seen by some as a political measure to oppose the government, rather than as an attempt to improve the law.
Awaiting detailed regulations
The government is currently formulating more detailed regulations under the act, and Edy said he hoped that stakeholders would also be involved in the process, “although there’s been no request from the government [to take part] yet”.
He believed that the government had accommodated various ideas, although not all of them have been approved yet.
If “it turns out that the articles that we considered problematic or not listed in the act are accommodated through the derivative regulation, then our judicial review might not be submitted”.
Plagiarism controversy raises questions over academic integrity in Thailand
Suluck Lamubol18 August 2012 Issue No:235
Controversy over plagiarism in the PhD thesis of Supachai Lorlowhakarn,
director of Thailand’s National Innovation Agency, or NIA, has
highlighted concerns over academic integrity and a widespread culture of
plagiarism. Bangkok’s Chulalongkorn University revoked the PhD – for
the first time in the institution’s history.
On 21 June 2012, after a year-long investigation, the Chulalongkorn University council withdraw Supachai’s PhD in science, in a move that stunned the academic community in Thailand.
In response, Supachai threatened to file a lawsuit against Chulalongkorn’s executive board and the council for abuse of power. He insisted that he had ownership rights to the disputed research used in the PhD, as he was the main author of the work.
The investigation came after Thailand-based agricultural researcher Wyn Ellis claimed that Supachai had plagiarised most of his research, word for word, for his thesis.
According to Ellis, he is the main author and project owner of the disputed research on “Strengthening the Export Capacity of Thailand’s Organic Agriculture”, which was commissioned by the Geneva-based UN International Trade Centre.
The NIA served as counterpart agency with a role of facilitating the technical assistance team”, which was led by Ellis. "NIA and Supachai had no role in the research," Ellis told University World News.
Supachai, however, insisted that Ellis was merely a “translator” of the research. He admitted during a 25 June press conference in Bangkok that he had undertaken “partial research", but said he had formed "new knowledge in the last chapter”.
Ellis told University World News that the original report had been written in English by him and three other members of the UN team, and was later translated into Thai. "ITC informed NIA and Supachai by email several times of its claim of copyright over the report, which is published in ITC’s online library," Ellis claimed
It was "extraordinary" that NIA, as a government agency, should disregard such a claim and republish the same report two years later under the NIA director’s lead authorship, he argued.
After the NIA director’s PhD was awarded in 2007, Ellis filed plagiarism complaints with Chulalongkorn University. In an interview with the investigative news site Thaipublica, Ellis said he had also laid complaints with the Ministry of Science and Technology – where the NIA is based – and with the parliamentary committee on science and technology, but both failed to make progress on investigating.
Chulalongkorn University set up an inquiry into the case in August 2009 and in April 2010 reported that Supachai has committed plagiarism in 80% of the 205-page thesis.
The decision to revoke Supachai’s PhD did not come until much later, after the university set up another committee to probe the facts of the case in 2011. This came after much criticism in the international media over Chulalongkorn’s failure to deal with the Supachai case. The PhD was finally withdrawn in June this year.
Supachai, who maintains his executive position at the NIA, sued Ellis and then Bangkok Post journalist Erika Fry in 2009 for defamation, prompting Fry to flee Thailand.
The case was dismissed, although Supachai recently received a six-month suspended sentence and a 6,000 baht (US$200) fine for criminal forgery in a 2009 case sued by Ellis over changes in his contract with the NIA, as reported by Thailand-based journalist Andrew Drummond on his website.
Ellis told University World News that he had also called for retraction of an academic paper by Supachai and his academic advisers, published in 2008 in the Thai Journal of Agricultural Science, "on grounds of plagiarism and its flawed science".
He alleged that the journal had refused to withdraw the paper without a court order, and had "failed to comply with a ‘Final Notice of Copyright Infringement’ issued by Wageningen Academic Publishers on 20 September last year."
Associate Professor Soraj Hongladarom, a philosophy professor and president of the university’s academic committee, said the decision to revoke Supachai’s doctorate degree was “a step in a right direction”.
“The way students do their papers in primary and secondary schools is really pathetic. Teachers don’t teach their students that cutting and pasting is wrong. Term papers are not for cutting and pasting, but are a place where students can explore thoughts and ideas of their own, on their own,” he told University World News.
“The problem is that it is so widely practised that no one seems to think that it is wrong. Or it is because no one thinks it’s wrong that it is widely practised. Any way, the Thai educational authorities should be doing something to combat this”
On 21 June 2012, after a year-long investigation, the Chulalongkorn University council withdraw Supachai’s PhD in science, in a move that stunned the academic community in Thailand.
In response, Supachai threatened to file a lawsuit against Chulalongkorn’s executive board and the council for abuse of power. He insisted that he had ownership rights to the disputed research used in the PhD, as he was the main author of the work.
The investigation came after Thailand-based agricultural researcher Wyn Ellis claimed that Supachai had plagiarised most of his research, word for word, for his thesis.
According to Ellis, he is the main author and project owner of the disputed research on “Strengthening the Export Capacity of Thailand’s Organic Agriculture”, which was commissioned by the Geneva-based UN International Trade Centre.
The NIA served as counterpart agency with a role of facilitating the technical assistance team”, which was led by Ellis. "NIA and Supachai had no role in the research," Ellis told University World News.
Supachai, however, insisted that Ellis was merely a “translator” of the research. He admitted during a 25 June press conference in Bangkok that he had undertaken “partial research", but said he had formed "new knowledge in the last chapter”.
Ellis told University World News that the original report had been written in English by him and three other members of the UN team, and was later translated into Thai. "ITC informed NIA and Supachai by email several times of its claim of copyright over the report, which is published in ITC’s online library," Ellis claimed
It was "extraordinary" that NIA, as a government agency, should disregard such a claim and republish the same report two years later under the NIA director’s lead authorship, he argued.
After the NIA director’s PhD was awarded in 2007, Ellis filed plagiarism complaints with Chulalongkorn University. In an interview with the investigative news site Thaipublica, Ellis said he had also laid complaints with the Ministry of Science and Technology – where the NIA is based – and with the parliamentary committee on science and technology, but both failed to make progress on investigating.
Chulalongkorn University set up an inquiry into the case in August 2009 and in April 2010 reported that Supachai has committed plagiarism in 80% of the 205-page thesis.
The decision to revoke Supachai’s PhD did not come until much later, after the university set up another committee to probe the facts of the case in 2011. This came after much criticism in the international media over Chulalongkorn’s failure to deal with the Supachai case. The PhD was finally withdrawn in June this year.
Supachai, who maintains his executive position at the NIA, sued Ellis and then Bangkok Post journalist Erika Fry in 2009 for defamation, prompting Fry to flee Thailand.
The case was dismissed, although Supachai recently received a six-month suspended sentence and a 6,000 baht (US$200) fine for criminal forgery in a 2009 case sued by Ellis over changes in his contract with the NIA, as reported by Thailand-based journalist Andrew Drummond on his website.
Ellis told University World News that he had also called for retraction of an academic paper by Supachai and his academic advisers, published in 2008 in the Thai Journal of Agricultural Science, "on grounds of plagiarism and its flawed science".
He alleged that the journal had refused to withdraw the paper without a court order, and had "failed to comply with a ‘Final Notice of Copyright Infringement’ issued by Wageningen Academic Publishers on 20 September last year."
Associate Professor Soraj Hongladarom, a philosophy professor and president of the university’s academic committee, said the decision to revoke Supachai’s doctorate degree was “a step in a right direction”.
He said the university was installing software to tackle plagiarism and other academic misconduct. A more serious problem, however, was a widespread culture of plagiarism in the Thai education system, he said.
“The way students do their papers in primary and secondary schools is really pathetic. Teachers don’t teach their students that cutting and pasting is wrong. Term papers are not for cutting and pasting, but are a place where students can explore thoughts and ideas of their own, on their own,” he told University World News.
“The problem is that it is so widely practised that no one seems to think that it is wrong. Or it is because no one thinks it’s wrong that it is widely practised. Any way, the Thai educational authorities should be doing something to combat this”
Universities propose shorter masters degrees to attract foreign students
John Gerritsen16 August 2012 Issue No:235
New Zealand’s universities want to shorten their masters degrees in a bid to attract more foreign students.
Currently New Zealand masters degrees require 240 credits – equivalent to two years of full-time study, although students who have completed four years of bachelor-level study can do 120-credit masters degrees.
But Universities New Zealand, the body representing vice-chancellors of the country's eight universities, has suggested allowing shorter masters degrees in certain circumstances.
It has proposed 180-credit masters for students who finish their three-year bachelor degree to a high enough standard.
The New Zealand Qualifications Authority is consulting on the proposal and has taken it a step further – suggesting that the 180-credit masters qualification be available for any student with a bachelor degree – not just those who meet a required standard.
The authority says one reason for the change is to attract more international students.
“A key driver for the proposal is to enhance the international competitiveness of New Zealand masters degrees, which are generally longer than in a number of other countries that New Zealand commonly compares itself with, including Australia, the United Kingdom and Canada.”
The authority says the change would also help New Zealand institutions keep up with changes in other countries, particularly with regard to masters degrees based on coursework rather than research.
“Research into the international competitiveness and comparability of the New Zealand masters degree has found the proportion of coursework masters degrees offered at New Zealand universities to be comparatively low, at only 31.2% (Rogers 2008).
“This compares with Australia and the United Kingdom where coursework masters degrees make up more than 95% of the total masters degree programmes offered.”
Nearly 12,000 New Zealand students and more than 2,200 foreign students study masters degrees in New Zealand.
Foreign students generally pay between NZ$22,000 and NZ$30,000 (US$17,750 and US$24,200) a year to study at masters level.
The president of the Tertiary Education Union, Sandra Grey, says the proposal puts money before education.
“It's all about the drive to get international students who want to come into New Zealand and pay for shorter masters degrees not to do the longer thesis component in a masters degree. So the starting point itself has us a little bit wary; it’s not about education, it's about making money for the New Zealand education market.”
The New Zealand Union of Students Associations says the shorter options would save both domestic and foreign students money because they would face a lower ‘opportunity cost’ from being out of the workforce.
But the union says the shorter degrees should not displace the current two-year masters degrees, or the current practice of an honours year that essentially turns three-year bachelor degrees into four-year degrees.
It says students are worried that the shorter degrees will not provide adequate preparation for PhD study.
Education New Zealand is the Crown agency responsible for supporting the export education sector. The chair of its board, Charles Finny, says shorter masters degrees would attract thousands more students to New Zealand.
“We would see strong demand for these courses from markets such as China, India, and Indonesia, and it should see a useful boost to student numbers...We would imagine there would be thousands of new masters students studying in New Zealand,” he said.
The qualifications authority expects that a decision on the matter will be made in late September or in October.
Currently New Zealand masters degrees require 240 credits – equivalent to two years of full-time study, although students who have completed four years of bachelor-level study can do 120-credit masters degrees.
But Universities New Zealand, the body representing vice-chancellors of the country's eight universities, has suggested allowing shorter masters degrees in certain circumstances.
It has proposed 180-credit masters for students who finish their three-year bachelor degree to a high enough standard.
The New Zealand Qualifications Authority is consulting on the proposal and has taken it a step further – suggesting that the 180-credit masters qualification be available for any student with a bachelor degree – not just those who meet a required standard.
The authority says one reason for the change is to attract more international students.
“A key driver for the proposal is to enhance the international competitiveness of New Zealand masters degrees, which are generally longer than in a number of other countries that New Zealand commonly compares itself with, including Australia, the United Kingdom and Canada.”
The authority says the change would also help New Zealand institutions keep up with changes in other countries, particularly with regard to masters degrees based on coursework rather than research.
“Research into the international competitiveness and comparability of the New Zealand masters degree has found the proportion of coursework masters degrees offered at New Zealand universities to be comparatively low, at only 31.2% (Rogers 2008).
“This compares with Australia and the United Kingdom where coursework masters degrees make up more than 95% of the total masters degree programmes offered.”
Nearly 12,000 New Zealand students and more than 2,200 foreign students study masters degrees in New Zealand.
Foreign students generally pay between NZ$22,000 and NZ$30,000 (US$17,750 and US$24,200) a year to study at masters level.
The president of the Tertiary Education Union, Sandra Grey, says the proposal puts money before education.
“It's all about the drive to get international students who want to come into New Zealand and pay for shorter masters degrees not to do the longer thesis component in a masters degree. So the starting point itself has us a little bit wary; it’s not about education, it's about making money for the New Zealand education market.”
The New Zealand Union of Students Associations says the shorter options would save both domestic and foreign students money because they would face a lower ‘opportunity cost’ from being out of the workforce.
But the union says the shorter degrees should not displace the current two-year masters degrees, or the current practice of an honours year that essentially turns three-year bachelor degrees into four-year degrees.
It says students are worried that the shorter degrees will not provide adequate preparation for PhD study.
Education New Zealand is the Crown agency responsible for supporting the export education sector. The chair of its board, Charles Finny, says shorter masters degrees would attract thousands more students to New Zealand.
“We would see strong demand for these courses from markets such as China, India, and Indonesia, and it should see a useful boost to student numbers...We would imagine there would be thousands of new masters students studying in New Zealand,” he said.
The qualifications authority expects that a decision on the matter will be made in late September or in October.
Harvard leads world, China gains ground in 2012 ARWU ranking
David Jobbins16 August 2012 Issue No:235
For the tenth year in a row, Harvard retained its top place in the 2012
Academic Ranking of World Universities (ARWU) from the Center for
World-Class Universities at Shanghai Jiao Tong University.
But the UK lost its second place behind the US for the number of universities in the Top 500 to China – if universities in Hong Kong and Taiwan are included.
Five Chinese universities appeared for the first time, giving China, Hong Kong and Taiwan an aggregate of 42 universities in the Top 500, ahead of the UK with 38 universities. However, no Chinese university is ranked among the Top 100.
More than 1,200 universities are actually ranked by ARWU every year and the best 500 are published.
Largely because of the ARWU’s methodology, the ranking displays a high degree of stability at the top. The Top 10 universities remain unchanged from 2011: Harvard, Stanford, MIT, Berkeley, Cambridge, Caltech, Princeton, Columbia, Chicago and Oxford.
Lower down the rankings, the University of Tokyo returns to the Top 20 in 20th place, as the leading Asian university.
ETH Zurich (23) is the leading university in continental Europe, followed by Paris-Sud (37) and Pierre and Marie Curie (42) in France.
Technion-Israel Institute of Technology (78) and the Weizmann Institute of Science (93) enter the Top 100 for the first time, to join the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (53).
The University of Western Australia appears (96) in the Top 100 for the first time, bringing the number of Top 100 universities in Australia to five.
With the exception of Cambridge and ETH Zurich, US universities dominate the ARWU listings of best five universities in each ranked field and subject.
The annual global ranking claims to be the most trustworthy of the international league tables. ARWU uses six objective indicators, including the number of alumni and staff with Nobel prizes and Fields medals, and a web of citation data.
ARWU has been presenting the top 500 universities annually since 2003, based on a set of objective indicators and third-party data.
Complete lists and detailed methodologies can be found on the Academic Ranking of World Universities website.
But the UK lost its second place behind the US for the number of universities in the Top 500 to China – if universities in Hong Kong and Taiwan are included.
Five Chinese universities appeared for the first time, giving China, Hong Kong and Taiwan an aggregate of 42 universities in the Top 500, ahead of the UK with 38 universities. However, no Chinese university is ranked among the Top 100.
More than 1,200 universities are actually ranked by ARWU every year and the best 500 are published.
Largely because of the ARWU’s methodology, the ranking displays a high degree of stability at the top. The Top 10 universities remain unchanged from 2011: Harvard, Stanford, MIT, Berkeley, Cambridge, Caltech, Princeton, Columbia, Chicago and Oxford.
Lower down the rankings, the University of Tokyo returns to the Top 20 in 20th place, as the leading Asian university.
ETH Zurich (23) is the leading university in continental Europe, followed by Paris-Sud (37) and Pierre and Marie Curie (42) in France.
Technion-Israel Institute of Technology (78) and the Weizmann Institute of Science (93) enter the Top 100 for the first time, to join the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (53).
The University of Western Australia appears (96) in the Top 100 for the first time, bringing the number of Top 100 universities in Australia to five.
With the exception of Cambridge and ETH Zurich, US universities dominate the ARWU listings of best five universities in each ranked field and subject.
The annual global ranking claims to be the most trustworthy of the international league tables. ARWU uses six objective indicators, including the number of alumni and staff with Nobel prizes and Fields medals, and a web of citation data.
ARWU has been presenting the top 500 universities annually since 2003, based on a set of objective indicators and third-party data.
Complete lists and detailed methodologies can be found on the Academic Ranking of World Universities website.
អ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវ កែម ឡី ៖ «សិស្ស៦៧%ឆ្លើយថាបានចំណាយប្រាក់សម្រាប់ការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុប»
ក្រុមជំនាញស្រាវជ្រាវលើដំណើរការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុប កាលពីដើមខែសីហានេះ នឹងបង្ហាញលទ្ធផលស្រាវជ្រាវរបស់ខ្លួននៅថ្ងៃចន្ទស្អែក ព្រមទាំងផ្ញើលទ្ធផលជូនទៅក្រសួងអប់រំនៅចុងសប្តាហ៍ក្រោយ។ លទ្ធផលអង្កេតបានបង្ហាញថា កូនសិស្សប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបចំនួន៦៧%បានឆ្លើយថា ពួកគេបានចំណាយថវិកាសម្រាប់ការប្រឡងនាពេលកន្លងមក។
«កូនសិស្សប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបចំនួន៧៨%បានឆ្លើយថា ពួកគេអាចចម្លងគ្នាទៅវិញទៅមកបាននៅក្នុងថ្នាក់ប្រឡង។ កូនសិស្ស៦៧%បានឆ្លើយថា ពួកគេបានចំណាយប្រាក់សម្រាប់ការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុប»។ ទាំងនេះគឺជាលទ្ធផលអង្កេតរបស់ លោក កែម ឡី អ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវសង្គមសេដ្ឋកិច្ចឯករាជ្យដែលបានធ្វើការអង្កេតជុំវិញ ភាពមិនប្រក្រតីលើការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបកាលពីដើមខែសីហាកន្លងមកនេះ។ ការអង្កេតរបស់លោក កែម ឡី បានធ្វើឡើងជាមួយសិស្សប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបចំនួន១៥៤នាក់ ជាមួយសាស្រ្តាចារ្យមួយចំនួនតូចនិងជាមួយមាតាបិតាសិស្សមួយចំនួនផង ដែរ។
លទ្ធផលអង្កេតលើការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបដែលគ្រោងនឹងចេញផ្សាយនៅថ្ងៃចន្ទ ស្អែកនេះ បានបញ្ជាក់ថា កូនសិស្សប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបបានចំណាយប្រាក់ជាមធ្យមចំនួន៣០ដុល្លារ ដើម្បីអាចបើកមើលវិញ្ញាសាព្រាងបាន។ កូនសិស្ស៩២%បានឆ្លើយថា ពួកគេជាអ្នកមានគំនិតផ្តួចផ្តើមប្រមូលប្រាក់ដោយខ្លួនឯងដើម្បីយក ទៅជូនលោកគ្រូអ្នកគ្រូ។ កូនសិស្សបានឆ្លើយថា ការប្រមូលប្រាក់កាសជូនលោកគ្រូអ្នកគ្រូនៅពេលប្រឡងបានក្លាយទៅជា វប្បធម៌ទៅហើយ។
ត្រង់ចំណុចនេះ លោក កែម ឡី អ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវសង្គមសេដ្ឋកិច្ចនៅក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជាបានសម្តែងក្តី ព្រួយបារម្ភខ្លាចទម្លាប់នេះក្លាយទៅជាវប្បធម៌ដែលពិបាកកែប្រែនា ពេលអនាគត។
របាយការណ៍ដដែលបានលើកឡើងទៀតថា កូនសិស្ស២៥%បានឆ្លើយថា ការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបនាពេលកន្លងមកមិនមានភាពយុត្តិធម៌ទេ ក្នុងខណៈពេលដែលសិស្ស៥០%ផ្សេងទៀតថា មានភាពយុត្តិធម៌។ បើទោះបីជាមានការចោទប្រកាន់ថា មានភាពមិនប្រក្រតីច្រើនយ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយជុំវិញការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបនោះ ប៉ុន្តែមន្រ្តីក្រសួងអប់រំតែងតែបដិសេធទៅនឹងការចោទប្រកាន់ទាំង នោះ។
លោក អ៊ឹង ង៉ោហុក ប្រធាននាយកដ្ឋានមធ្យមសិក្សាចំណេះទូទៅ ធ្លាប់បានអះអាងថា ក្រសួងអប់រំបានបូកសរុបការវាយតម្លៃរួចរាល់ហើយ ហើយថាគ្មានបញ្ហាអី្វកើតឡើងទេ។ ម៉្យាងវិញទៀត វាគ្មានផលប៉ះពាល់ដល់ដំណើរការប្រឡងឡើយ។ លោកអះអាងថា ក្រសួងអប់រំបានសន្និដា្ឋនថា ការប្រឡងឆ្នាំនេះអាចទទួលយកបាន។
សូមបញ្ជាក់ថា របាយការណ៍អង្កេតលើការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបនឹងត្រូវគេផ្សព្វផ្សាយជា សាធារណៈចាប់ពីថ្ងៃចន្ទស្អែកនិងផ្ញើជូនក្រសួងអប់រំនៅក្នុង សប្តាហ៍ក្រោយនេះដែរ។
ទោះជាយ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ ក៏លោក កែម ឡី បានបញ្ជាក់ទៀតថា ប្រសិនបើគេវាយតម្លៃជារួម ការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបនៅឆ្នាំនេះមានការរឹតបន្តឹងល្អជាងឆ្នាំមុនៗ៕
Wednesday 15 August 2012
Letter to the editor (Academic Fraud in Cambodia)
- Wednesday, 15 August 2012
- Sam Rany
- Dear LIFT,
Having read your article “On the cheating chain” (LIFT 133, August 1, 2012), I would like to express my sincere appreciation for its intention to tell high school students well as relevant stakeholders in the education sector to have an urgent look at our education system. This includes students themselves as well as parents, teachers, and governmental ministries. It is undeniable that cheating and bribery in exams are still happening at every level of the education system and students think that their behaviour is normal practice.
Consequently, many local and international newspapers have regularly reported controversial and shameful cases of fraud during secondary and high school’s national examinations. How does cheating impact on our educational quality and national reputation? How can we abolish the culture of this negative performance?
Honestly, I was shocked to read the result finding of a recent study assumed that “cheating plagues the educational system” and “discredits degrees earned in the Kingdom”. I totally agree with Mr. Thav Nimoul, a teacher at Dongkor secondary school, who said that cheating will seriously affect our reputation on the international stage because of unqualified fresh graduates. As we know, Cambodia has a firm commitment to compete with other ASEAN state members and to integrate her system into its community in 2015. To achieve this goal, tighter laws on academic fraud should be adopted to prevent this illegal cheating in order to raise the quality of education in this country.
Moreover, teachers and parents should discourage and punish their students and children to make them abandon this habit.
Ultimately, I strongly believe that our government ministries should pay more attention to such matters, and take measures to establish mechanism to prevent and to punish all forms of academic fraud in our education system.
Kind regards,
Sam Rany
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